“給VP”具有“只可會意（語義上有）不可言傳（句法上无）的外力”，然而，“給”幷不是引入這些外力的，而是從致使結構中刪除施事，只留下其影響力，使得整個事件變成受影響性事件的。本文從類型學的角度去探討去致使化現象，通過考察日語和俄語的去致使化標記“-ar(u)、-sja”的現象來支持“給”去致使化標記的觀点。從中可以預測，具有明確施事義的致使動詞通過加“給”來刪除施事，實現不及物化；典型作格動詞旣可以參與反致使化表示受事自發自變的事件，也可以加“給”來刪除施事，表示獨立施事發出影響的受影響性事件；純非賓格動詞和非作格動詞由于不滿足對致使動詞的要求，而不能談論去致使化。

This paper argues that “Gei(給) VP” has “External Force(agent) that only exists semantically, not syntactically”, but the function of “Gei” is not adding “external force” to the VP, but rather deleting the “agent(causer)” from the VP, which is a causative transitive construction - thus making this VP become an intransitive construction that expresses “affected event”. Based on the perspectives of typology, I will investigate the “decausativization” phenomenon in the world languages using “-ar(u)” and “-sja” (respectively Japanese and Russian decausativizative markers), which will reveal the features of “Gei” as a decausative marker. It can be predicted that the Causative VP, which has an explicit agent, only can achieve intransitivization by adding “Gei” and deleting the agent. The Typical Ergative VP not only can be anticausativized and express a “spontaneous” event, but also can be decausativized by adding “Gei” to delete the agent and express an “affected” event. The Pure Unaccusative VP and Unergative VP, since they are not causative constructions, do not meet the requirements of the anticausativization and decausativization, therefore it is clear that the decausative marker “Gei” cannot be added.