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논문검색은 역시 페이퍼서치


The journal of chinese language and literature

  • - 주제 : 어문학분야 > 중어중문학
  • - 성격 : 학술지
  • - 간기: 계간
  • - 국내 등재 : KCI 등재
  • - 해외 등재 : -
  • - ISSN : 1226-735x
  • - 간행물명 변경 사항 :
수록 범위 : 57권 0호 (2016)
The aim of this study is to examine the symbolic meaning of mermaid and its literary adaptation in the Chinese literature from the New Stone Age to the Han Dynasty. According to ancient relics of Yangshao culture and Daxi culture in the New Stone Age, and Shanhaijing and Huainanzi, mythical text, mermaid symbolized life, fertility and resurrection. From the Han Dynasty to the Tang Dynasty, mermaid became humanized one from sacred being. Mermaid shed marble tears, wove silk and was subject to intercourse. Since the Song Dynasty, mermaid was transformed from human to a beautiful woman. The woman was expressed as marginal, exotic and barbaric images. The record of Cuyiji shows such change well. Such representation method of mermaid is highly related to `China` awareness generated at the Song Dynasty. In the Ming Dynasty, mermaid was recorded as the subject of observation and collection in line with the increase of encyclopedia, travel book and map. The records on mermaid in Yiyutuzan and Xianbinlu demonstrate it. In the Qing Dynasty, mermaid was fixed as an imaginary being from actual knowledge. During the Qing Dynasty, mermaid is mainly recorded in a novel, a fictitious narrative. For example, records on mermaid are shown in novels such as Jinghwayuan and Xieduo.
As both the Sandae(山臺) of Korea and the Aoshan(鰲山) of China have been derived from Buddhism, the meaning of the mountains was limited, at first, to the Buddha-mountain, where the gods of Buddhism reside. However, in the later process of historical development, the objects of each folk religion have naturally penetrated, and consequently, Aoshan or Sandae got the meaning of Sinsan(神山), a dwelling of various gods. In terms of origin, both Sandae of Korea and Aoshan of China have been identified to have their roots in the movement of the statue of Bhddhism. So its original form was movable type, and the unmovable type was considered to have appeared later than the movable type. When we look into Japan based on these results, the following two facts attract our attention: First, numerous Sancha(山車)s, which are still performed throughout Japan today, although their origin still needs to be discussed meticulously in the future, are practically not different from those in Korea and China in that they are trying to build various Sinsans. Second, the history of performing arts of ancient Japan developed in close relationship with China and Korea as well as the inflow of Ho waves(胡流) were also obvious in such mutual relationship. Thus, there is a high possibility for the Japanese Sancha to have had a close relationship with Sandae or Aoshan. This paper is one of the attempts to trace the triangular relationship in the history of performing arts of Korea, China and Japan. For the consistency of argurment and efficiency of discussion, the scope of the consideration of this study was limited to the structural characteristics, similarities and differences of Sinsans that had been performed or still performed in Korea, China and Japan. Based on nine important criteria considered essential in analyzing the triangular relationship among Korea, China and Japan, the structural characteristics of their Sinsans as well as their similarities and differences be summarized as below: The Sinsans in the history of performing arts of Korea, China and Japan have substantial identity with negligible differences. In conclusion, the structural characteristics of the Sinsans in Korea, China and Japan as well as their similarities and differences identified so far occurred in the process of the independent acceptance and development by the people of those three countries in response to the westward migration of Ho waves that started from the Western Area. This paper will not only widen the horizon of Korean mask dance-drama but also significantly contribute to the efforts of the people to more deeply understand the history of performing arts of Korea, China and Japan from an integrated point of view.
This thesis is to research on the enumerative method of depiction for things and actions in Nei Ze in The Book of Rites, since the writing style of recorded texts is accountable to determine a big picture of power leading to regulate daily life norms. The certain part of The Book of Rites can reflect the then intention of recording the specific group of people at the time through review on Nei Ze`s enumerative writings. Especially, it can be inferred that the desire more to depict the daily lives of an individual and a family than to depict formal filial duty. The Confucius had developed its own unique knowledge system partially by taking it meaningful to describe daily human life such as food making and its recipe, etc. This enumerative writing was adopted as part of Nei Ze by its accord of Fu`s writing reflecting the developments of then times of Han, recording times for knowledge storage, and was derived from the transition period from heaven-oriented culture to human-oriented one. Although the writing method was no more recognized meaningful in the Song`s Zhuzi`s family rituals, this record of daily lives took an effect as customs by posterity`s footnotes. In posterity, this was reborn as appropriate rules of then times by being as legacy. As a result, this made a substantial contribution to systemizing big power from micro powers.
《Painting of Liu yi(六逸圖)》 is Legendary Scene made by Liu-yao(陸曜) in the middle of the Tang Dynasty. This painting asks us how to get the picture you want to live as intellectuals through Life and taste of Ma-rong(馬融), Han-kang(韓康), Bian-shao(邊韶), Ruan-fu(阮孚), Taoqian(陶潛) and Bi-zhuo(畢卓) in Eastern Han and Eastern Jin. Secular and artistry of intellectuals are in Liu-yao(陸曜)`s paintings by integrating conflicting elements of Pure and decorating, freedom from avarice and addiction and shaping them metaphorically. He let us experience mundane aspects of daily life and aesthetic aspects of the minds of intellectuals by showing `the secular life` and `artistique life` simultaneously throughout the paintings of girls, fame, money, clogs, nap, drink and seminudity. These implications in his paintings may be because he experienced and observed inability of intellectuals and the confusion of Tang Dynasty and then he captured the human aspects of intellectual wandering in social roles and self-conscious.

두보(杜甫) 기쁜 시(희시(喜詩)) 고찰

중국어문학회|중국어문학지  57권 0호, 2016 pp. 153-181 ( 총 29 pages)
康有爲深感實踐改革之艱難. 救亡圖存, 必需維新, 是以作 《新學僞經考》, 以議時政倡改革. 是書一出, 晩淸政壇譁然騷動, 幷奏請嚴?處分. 但其`以孔子今學攻孔子古學`, 效果頗大, 倂導開改良·革命之路. 康有爲 《新學僞經考》之功臣崔適, 乃作 《史記探源》, 以彌補以康說未盡之處, 而進行益精緻又徹底之辨僞, 擴大其硏究範圍. 崔適比康有爲更徹底歸納爲`劉歆之僞造`. 崔氏弟子錢玄同頗折服其師, 篤信古文全爲劉歆僞造, 但其解經, 應該以`實事求是`爲鵠, 而絶對破除`師說``家法`等分門別戶, 與師頗異. 遂爲新文化運動之殿軍, 古史辨派之猛將. 終超然門戶而宣告經學之終焉, 錢氏貢獻不可磨滅. 其實 《史記探源》等不意味經學硏究擴大於史學領域, 而是正反映從經書中已無甚可發展之餘地, 轉而治史之結果. 甚至以爲象徵經學之告終. 不能否認頗有影響於民國時期新史學之興起, 後日顧?剛與錢玄同幾乎全般接受之, 又成爲顧氏古史辨運動與疑古思想之根據.

루쉰(魯迅)의 <주검(鑄劍)> - `지연된 복수극의 실연(實演)`으로 읽기

중국어문학회|중국어문학지  57권 0호, 2016 pp. 209-233 ( 총 25 pages)
這文章以讀解《鑄劍》試圖探討魯迅有關復仇的思想。他在廈門寫其作品的時候,面對著四面楚歌的狀況。廈門被魯迅厭惡的“硏究界”掌握,而且有關魯迅和許廣平的謠言被?隨魯迅的靑年傳播在北京和上海,更是魯迅的情緖不是?穩定,因爲與許廣平的關系還沒決定下來。這樣的情況下,魯迅在心頭的隱痛中,終於決心實行復仇和完成愛情,從中開始寫《鑄劍》。所謂“幻燈片事件”以來,魯迅將對看客的批判看做自己終生的課題。就圍觀的群衆,魯迅一直主張使讓他們無戱可看倒是療救,所以他保持著延宕表演有關復仇的戱劇。然而,魯迅在《鑄劍》終於表演其延宕的戱劇。其背景是如下:第一, 魯迅《狂人日記》以來不辭“曲筆”寫出文章,《鑄劍》裏倒描繪他對語言的不同觀點,他徹底地否定所有的汚穢的語言,這已經成爲放鬼債的資本。第二,魯迅向來最畏懼而警?的是群衆的犧牲,可是《鑄劍》裏宴之敖者要求眉間尺的頭,而提出無條件性的信任,當然他已有決心自身的消滅。這意味著魯迅開始將犧牲看做爲“應然”(Sollen)。《復仇》和《複仇(其二)》裏的一對劍客和耶?是觀看看客的看客,而《鑄劍》裏宴之敖者不再是一個看客,而是一個表演戱劇的主角,他表演看客願意看的戱劇。之結果,看客感到歡喜,而立卽進入大混沌,這可以說破裂已存的權威和秩序的開始。

한자 `□(되)`자 본의(本義) 연구

중국어문학회|중국어문학지  57권 0호, 2016 pp. 235-262 ( 총 28 pages)
硏究`□`字的學者們的普遍看法是堆、弓箭、臀部等三個。最初主張“`□`是臀部”的學者是加藤常賢。徐中舒從□的字形角度硏究後發展了加藤常賢的主張,?錫圭從□的字音角度硏究後發展了加藤常賢的主張。筆者從當時的社會和文化環境角度硏究後同意了他們的看法。筆者這個結論爲基礎, 對幾個和□相結合的漢字嘗試初步的解釋。結論如下:○ □ : 臀部,坐過的(或者休息過的)痕跡。○ 師: 爲了狩獵或者戰爭, 人們坐過的痕跡(□) → 軍人(□) → 攻擊與防禦(□和?的結合. 師) → 統率軍隊的人(師) → 師傅(老師) ○ □: 放還自己?住的人後剩下的痕跡。○ 遣: 用兩個手從居住地或者陷?裏救出後讓他去。○ 追: 逐就是追獵物(動物)的意思, 追就是追人(或者人的痕跡)的意思。○ □ (次): 士兵逗留或者駐紮的地方。○ 官: 爲了不平常停留而制作的場所 → 管理那個地方 → 管理人 → 輔佐人。○ 歸: 爲了打掃剩下的痕跡,拿一把掃?再回去那個地方。○ □ : 露出痕跡。○ ?: 留下痕跡 → 憂患 → 罪人。
According to Zhang Taiyan (章太炎), Characters could describe every motion, that is, lying down, standing, flying or flatting on one`s face, and also they could add or delete any part of body, that is, scale, feather, hair, mane, etc. His argument, however, could be applied not only to the Traditional but the Simplified Chinese Characters. In my opinion, even in the Simplified Characters a kind of picto-graphic drift could be traced regarding their features and motion-descriptions as well, For example, a picto-graphic trait could be inferred from the case of Simplified Character, `龍 dragon`, as it has the scheme of tail. In addition, `魚 fish`, `馬 horse`, `鳥 bird`, and `烏 crow` have a common trait in having a `horizontal stroke [一]`. Regarding these cases, it could be discussed that the scale [….] of the Traditional Chinese `魚 fish` got to `一` which corresponds to the end part of the powerful tail swimming through the water, while the legs [….] of the other three Traditional characters, `馬 horse`, `鳥 bird`, and `烏 crow`, changed to `一`, which symbolizes the legs in the state of flying or running fast. Needless to say, it is not the case that all the Simplified Characters keep following the same rule, as there could be a lot of variation. But this essay tries to show at least that some kind of picto-graphic tendency could be identified among them. It could further be argued that `Three Highest Factors, Poetry, Calligraphy and Drawing (詩書畵三絶)` have implicitly been closely related with each other even in the Simplified Characters. The strokes of the Simplified Characters have been simplified and symbolized on the one hand, and still retain a dynamic and realistic feature on the other.
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