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논문검색은 역시 페이퍼서치

중국어문학지검색

The journal of chinese language and literature


  • - 주제 : 어문학분야 > 중어중문학
  • - 성격 : 학술지
  • - 간기: 계간
  • - 국내 등재 : KCI 등재
  • - 해외 등재 : -
  • - ISSN : 1226-735x
  • - 간행물명 변경 사항 :
논문제목
수록 범위 : 62권 0호 (2018)
초록보기
楊維楨在元末統至·正間的文壇上影響極大. 宋濂評價他“元之中世, 有文章鉅公, 起於浙河之間, 曰鐵崖君, 聲光殷殷, 摩??漢, 吳越諸生多歸之. 殆猶 山之宗岱, 河之走海, 如是者四十餘年乃終. ”可見他在元代文壇上是個擧足輕重 人物. 他的思想比較複雜, 其中最引人注目的是反叛傳統的異端的傾向, 肯定人性的自然是其思想的核心. 因此這他的文學觀念上也呈現出張揚個性, 求新求異, 不拘一格的特徵. 他的生活上奉行享樂主義, 文學創作上主要展示恣肆飛揚的自我精神, 讚美世俗享樂, 追求怪張揚려(?)的藝術效果. 他的性格狂?, 行爲放 蕩, 晩年更是從情聲色, 耽於游樂. 楊維楨關於茶文的作品不多, 只有兩篇短文《淸苦先生傳》和《?茶夢》, 但正是在這兩篇短文中, 楊維楨表現了他追求古雅的人格·個性的趣向·道家的精神, 也正是這兩篇茶文不僅具有强烈的個性色彩, 其自身也具有鮮明的高士氣和仙氣. 因此他在《淸苦先生傳》中通過擬人化敍述了淸苦先生的求美·求雅的情趣和癖好, 這事實上表達了他個人超塵拔俗的情趣和追求精神自由·舒放的性 情. 在《淸苦先生傳》中可明顯的發現反映賈誼·伯夷·淸苦先生(茶葉)這三個人物的形象. 這三種形象影射元末楊維楨認同元通治到才負無法發揮, 在亂世中採取疏離, 改爲追求個人的性情發展的立場. ?一篇《?茶夢》也是體現道家思想與茶道相融神和的代表作. 楊維楨以優美的文字把眞實的場景加上夢境的虛幻, 描會出了一位愛茶人??而美妙的夢, 構成了神仙般的美景和虛幻脫俗的境地. 想象中的美好與茶交融在一起, 現實中的景象與太虛幻境合二爲一. ?將飮茶的境界寫得高深玄妙, 同時也給我們帶來一種茶道的空靈虛靜. 楊維楨一生以詩文鳴世, 有“文章巨公”·“文中之雄”之譽. 也正是這兩篇短文將一個獨具個性的文人形象呈現於世人面前.
6,600
초록보기
本稿以十六世紀東亞細亞女性文人, 明黃峨、朝鮮宋德峰爲主比較考察. ?們的共通點算是傳統社會里女性文人的必需要件. 卽個人的文才, 文學熱, 家門女性敎育, 丈夫的支援等等, 只有具備這種諸般要件, 才可以出現女性文人. 還有?們依據自國歷史社會的狀況顯示各自特色. 第一, 黃峨選擇通俗散曲, 宋德峰選擇正統漢詩, 第二, 黃峨與丈夫楊愼之間是主情的上下關係, 宋德峰與丈夫柳希春之間是知音的平等關係, 第三, 黃峨散曲表露情恨, 宋德峰漢詩歐歌日常生活和家族愛, 第四, 黃峨有詞曲集《楊夫人詞曲》, 宋德峰有詩集《德峰集》. 由此可知, 在女性文學上, 明朝與朝鮮同時開始, 同樣發展.

원굉도(袁宏道) 후기 시문에 나타난 내적 갈등과 이상의 좌절

이주현
중국어문학회|중국어문학지  62권 0호, 2018 pp. 63-93 ( 총 31 pages)
7,100
초록보기
本文集中整理了袁宏道晩年5年間創作的詩文,考察了詩文中所展現的矛盾心理。袁宏道自1600年(萬歷28)起辭官,度過了近6年閑適的隱遁生活。在父親的勸說和需要穩定收入的考慮下於1606年再次出仕,遠赴北京開始官場生活。在公安生活期間,他的活動多少會受到地域的限制,因此袁宏道期待能勾在北京遇到一起論道的相談甚歡的朋友。事實上他在北京的生活期間做了?多類似賞花吟詩,結社,玩賞古玩等等的興趣活動,幷且幾乎每年都會升遷,做到了不錯的位置上。但是卽使這樣的生活也沒能達到他的期待値,他再次打算辭官隱居幷於3年後卽1610年回到公安一直到去世。袁宏道期待從隱遁中獲得閑適生活,但實際上却一直無法從現實中擺脫出來。他所希望的所謂的閑適人生,是不被官務纏身可以盡情地享受各種興趣活動,自由自在的人生,而不是完全與世隔離的隱遁生活。因此終其一生,他旣無法固守隱居生活,也無法維持參與到現實生活中的官職生活。出於?多現實的原因他總是再次出仕,但連續的職務疲倦,眼前所見的艱難世態,朋友不在兩側的孤獨等等都使得他無法忍受而選擇還鄕。他旣沒有積極入世的心却也不是能勾超然一切的人。卽使步入仕途,却幷不以此作爲自我實現的方式,開展各種興趣生活追求個人幸福的袁宏道讓我們得以瞥見晩明文人的人生樣貌。
6,700
초록보기
This paper undertakes to reveal the role of salt merchants on the cultural map of literati during eighteenth century Jiangnan(江南) and to interpret the historical meaning through the publication of printing seal books by a salt merchant named Wang Qi-shu(汪啓淑). Wang was an outstanding book collector as well as a famous contributor who recorded his name high up on the list of donors of biggest numbers of books at the time when Emperor Qianlong(乾隆帝) built up Sikuquanshu(四庫全書). The overall feature of Wang’s publication indicates a few points. First of all, the publication of Wang’s printing seal book series shows a shape of inheritance and integration of previous publication. However, it concurrently demonstrates a continuous experiment including new classification of seals under a more advanced standard and experimental selective publishing of small seals. Most significant point of Wang’s seal books publication is its remarkable longevity and continuity as long as forty five years. In particular, Wang’s private workshop named ‘Feihongtang(飛鴻堂)’ absorbed talented inscribers from his home town Huizhou(徽州) Shexian (翕縣) and Hangzhou(杭州) proving them a very stable and long term environment of friendly cooperation, which supplied the necessary energy for his continuously experimental publication. The long chain of working would not be achievable without the huge wealth of salt merchant. It was either the result of highly developed esthetic taste of Hui merchants(徽商) pursuing new style. For Wang, it was an extended course of finding and verifying his own identity as a developed human being. He was an under of obsession for seals and a connoisseur equipped with refined connoisseurship, and he dedicated himself, as a publisher and a supporter for the inscribers, to the entire process of editing, publishing and promoting of printing seal books as well. In results, Wang enlarged the territory of literati culture through the elaborate enlisting of seals and contributed to the shaping and spreading of new inscription styles widely accepted as Zhe(浙) school. In terms of artistic and cultural directive, it has been divergent with the apparent exclusive inclination of Jiangnan(江南) literati nudging out merchants from infiltrating into their cultural territory by giving priority to elegance of attitude than to the artistic object itself.

조선 후기 문인 조희룡(趙熙龍)의 소식(蘇軾) 추앙 양상

류소진
중국어문학회|중국어문학지  62권 0호, 2018 pp. 124-153 ( 총 30 pages)
7,000
초록보기
朝鮮後期文人趙熙龍(1789~1866)對蘇軾的推崇體現在以下三個方面:第一,創作和蘇詩。第二,欣賞《東坡笠?圖》幷親自臨摹,同時創作了畵像贊。 第三,每逢蘇軾生日便擧行“拜坡會”緬懷。這些行爲顯示趙熙龍平時對於蘇軾詩文和書畵的喜愛,又顯示他對於蘇軾的欽慕之情。 趙熙龍如此極力追崇蘇軾,首要原因在於蘇軾的爲人及其文學成就的魅力,同時他還受到了當時文壇上再度興起的“東坡熱”的影響。但筆者認爲?外還有一個非常重要的原因,那就是趙熙龍的人生經歷。 他晩年在荏子島度過了貶謫生活,在此期間蘇軾的爲人和詩文更加引起了他的共鳴,這使他更加推崇蘇軾。換言之,他想要通過蘇軾慰藉貶謫生活帶來的精神痛苦,筆者認爲這就是他推崇蘇軾的主要原因。

근대시기 한국의 주작인(周作人) 비평과 인적(人的) 교류

홍석표
중국어문학회|중국어문학지  62권 0호, 2018 pp. 153-197 ( 총 45 pages)
12,000
초록보기
現代韓國也曾有一些人與周作人有過一定的接觸和交流,幷對周作人的文學活動及其創作發表過評介文章。其中,引人?目的有中國現代文學硏究者丁來東、金台俊、李明善等人。丁來東曾兩次訪問周作人,之後以《周作人與中國新文學》爲題目發表文章,對周作人進行了非常系統、詳細的分析和評論。丁來東廣泛閱讀了周作人的著作,對其文藝理論産生?大共鳴,幷對其小品文給予?高的評價,他還從周作人的“白話文學論”入手,詳細評述了中國新文學的多種局面。同時還對周作人所具有的那種包容的文藝批評態度給予了?大關注。當時丁來東傾心於無政府主義文藝理論,這使他能勾在思想上與周作人産生共鳴,使他能勾積極介紹和評論周作人對於國民文學、無産階級文學所做的各種批判。正因爲深受周作人文藝理論和小品文創作成果之影響,丁來東於1949年完成了隨筆集《北京時代》,這與周作人的“言志”文學觀及其小品文之影響不無關系。金台俊也曾訪問周作人,當時他也先後發表一些文章對周作人進行了評介。他還依據社會主義文學理論對中國新文學和中國文壇進行了介紹和評價,幷在這一過程中對周作人在文學革命高潮剛剛過後所發表的隨筆作品和文學硏究成果給予了肯定,但當他見過周作人之後却非常苛刻且毫不猶豫地批評周作人是一個思想落後的“過渡期之名士”。而與金台俊在思想上同出一轍的李明善也通過《周作人論》等文章對周作人的“偉大貢獻”給予了肯定,但對周作人1920年中期以後轉向小品文創作,認爲這是逃避現實的消極態度,從思想層面上對周作人進行了犀利的批判。可見,當時韓國人對周作人的評價,根據評論者的思想傾向可分爲兩種。一是像丁來東那樣從個人主義或無政府主義角度高度評價周作人的文學理論和創作成果,幷充分肯定了周作人那種包容性的思想立場和文藝批評態度。?外一種是,像金台俊、李明善那樣從社會主義階級文學理論角度出發,雖對周作人在文學革命時期爲新文學所做的貢獻也給予了一定的肯定,但對周作人後來那種逃避現實的創作行爲及其思想態度却做出了犀利深刻的批判。而在這些評論中,丁來東所發表的《周作人與中國新文學》一文在韓國首次全面系統地對周作人進行了分析和評論,這不僅與當時中國的相關活動幾乎同步進行,而且比日本早點進行,這一點使其具有相當重要的學術價値。作爲中國現代文學硏究者,丁來東不僅與周作人有過直接的接觸和交流,還積極地對周作人進行了介紹和評論,這一點從韓中文化交流層面上看也具有一定的價値。遺憾的是,丁來東對周作人的各類評價,在當時反響不是?大。這是因爲當時韓國處在日本殖民統治之下,這樣一種特殊的社會現實和周作人的一些親日行爲,使得金台俊和李明善的觀點在當時韓國知識界獲得了更大的反響。作爲其旁證,我們看到對周作人的各類評價和介紹,之後在韓國沒有得到進一步的深化,他的著作和作品幾乎未被飜譯發表和出版。
6,400
초록보기
The short record in the Analects of Confucius(論語) that Confucius starved severely when he was besieged between Jin and Chae had been amplified and embellished in many later literatures including from Mencius(孟子) and Hsun-tzu(荀子) to Mo-tzu(墨子), Lushi Chunqiu(呂氏 春秋), ShiJi(史記). The different descriptions in each literature of the same event stay faithful to representing ideology while some inherited Confucianism represented by Confucian and the others criticized it. Among them, there may not be any more disturbingly strange and shocking as the hypocritical Confucian who is described in ShiTi(豕蹄), modern age Chinese history conte, as a man who is struggling of his self conflicts within himself. It is hard to find someone like Confucian whose name is on people’s lips for so long. The historical evaluation on Confucian defers from ‘the great saint’ to ‘the damned’ and it is still controversial. Nevertheless, the position as a saint Confucian has in many people is firm until today. Nowadays in many cases, the collective memories of the past and the historical lessons from the accumulated and stiffed experiences do not matter much. It is not possible to turn over the collective respect beyond borders or dogmatism, however it is also not able to stop the free imagination upon it. It is to be thought that the new translation of the classic depends on people’s humanistic imaginations. We have to focus on values in reading fun, attention drawing and imaginative Confucian in ShiTi rather than Confucian who makes people feel suffocating and stifling right at the moment they hear the name. History is translating historical facts by the historian and the fact that historical translation can vary depending on time or the historian tells us that these factions contain countless possibilities. We should never forget that many unknown factors could exist other than the historical facts that we already recognize. In many classics, conventional knowledge and opposite, and familiar facts and the opposite co-exist. Likewise, some may feel interested in conflicts on the conventional Confucian and the unfamiliar one and some may read the classic again because of the unexpected feeling or thought popping out from the combination of the two Confucian. This is another way for us, contemporary people, to get close and have a deeper understanding of the classic.

錢鐘書《圍城》成長敍事硏究

심방화
중국어문학회|중국어문학지  62권 0호, 2018 pp. 223-245 ( 총 23 pages)
6,300
초록보기
『圍城』은 주로 혼란스러운 전쟁 시대를 살았던 중국 지식인 方鴻漸, 趙辛楣, 蘇文? 등의 답답한 심정과 힘든 삶을 묘사하였다. 이 문에서는 『圍城』의 창작 배경, 창작 과정 및 『圍城』에 대한 평가와 그 의미를 짚어보았다. 본고에서는 ‘성장소설’ 관점에서 『圍城』을 분석하여 주인공 方鴻漸의 성장을 고찰하였다. ‘성장소설’은 독일, 영국, 미국에 연원을 두고 ‘성장 관점’과‘교육 관점’이 유기적으로 결합되어 형성된 소설 유형이다. 독일, 영국, 미국의 성장소설은 서로 다른 역사·정치·문화 환경 등의 영향으로 각 나라만의 고유한 특징을 형성하였다. 배움과 사색을 좋아하는 독일 민족은 내적인 자아 실현을 추구하는 ‘성장 관점’을 중심으로 한 성장소설을 발전시켰고 이러한 흐름은 오랫동안 지배적 지위를 차지해왔다. 로크 교육사상의 영향을 받은 영국의 성장소설은 줄곧 ‘교육 관점’ 중심으로 발전해왔고, 이민국가인 미국의 성장소설은 초기부터 ‘성장 관점’과 ‘교육 관점’이 섞여있는 형태로 발전했다. 중국은 5·4 신문화운동 시기에 성장소설의 개념이 도입되었다. 중국 문화 담론 속에서 성장소설의 형성은 ‘교양소설’·‘발전소설’을 시작으로 ‘교육소설’ 로, 또 ‘성장교육소설에서 ’성장소설‘까지 긴 발전 과정을 거쳤다. 중국 현대 성장소설 또한 ’교육 관점‘과 ’성장 관점‘이 서로 복잡하게 뒤섞이며 교차되어 발전해왔다. 청년들이 계몽사상을 받아들여 가정과 사회에 혁명을 일으키고 개성과 자유를 쟁취하고자 한 5·4 시기에는 ‘성장 관점’이 두드러진 성장소설이 탄생하였고, 전쟁으로 인한 불안한 사회적 환경과 함께 정치·혁명의 담론아래 놓이게 된 국민혁명에서 문화대혁명에 이르는 시기에는 ‘교육 관점’ 중심의 성장소설이 주류를 형성하였다. 『圍城』은 이 시기에 창작된 소설로 단순한 교육적 소재의 범주를 뛰어넘어 ‘교육 관점’으로 승화시켰을 뿐 아니라 ‘성장 관점’의 특징도 띠고 있다. 시학적 차원에서 성장은 신체 성장, 심리 성장, 정신 성장이라는 세 부분으로 구성된다. 이 세 부분의 성장은 각각 독특한 특징을 지니고 있으며, 어느 것 하나 없어서는 안 되는 중요한 요소로 상호 긴밀하게 연결되어 주인공의 성장 과정에 영향을 준다. 4장에서는 육체 성장, 심리 성장, 정신 성장이 라는 세 가지 시학적 차원에서 『圍城』의 주인공 方鴻漸의 성장 과정을 분석 하였다.

서구 과학철학의 시간과 공간론

오태석
중국어문학회|중국어문학지  62권 0호, 2018 pp. 247-293 ( 총 47 pages)
12,200
초록보기
This paper is the first year report of three year project under the title of ‘Research on Transcendent perspectives of Time and Space in East Asian Original Thoughts’. I mainly discussed Western philosophical perspectives of Time and Space as a preparatory work of next years. Firstly I overviewed Western concepts of Space from Aristotle to Einstein. Secondly I surveyed concepts of Time from St. Augustinus to contemporary Physics, especially the concepts of space-time in Einstein’s Theories of Special Relativity and General Relativity, and the concepts of space-time in Quantum Mechanics. This paper specifically suggested the hypothesis of Religious Philosophical Implication of Hermann Minkowski’s space-time Information disconnect between life and death in connection with ‘world line’ of existence and ‘event horizon’, i.e. speed of light.

명학(名學)에서 자학(字學)으로의 전화 과정에 관하여

염정삼
중국어문학회|중국어문학지  62권 0호, 2018 pp. 296-319 ( 총 24 pages)
6,400
초록보기
This thesis is based on the analysis of the changing process from Ming 名 to Zi字, which are the ways of denomination in Ancient China. The concept of Ming included the linguistic theory of Mozi墨子 and Gongsunlongzi公孫龍子 in Pre-Qin先秦 period, whereas the concept of Zi established the theory of Chinese characters in Han漢 dynasty. I insist that Ming and Zi had sufficient affiliations through the debates and theories during the centuries, even though they had own different bases respectively. The main objectives of this research are: examining the meaning of Ming, and linking processes of Xunzi荀子’s theory through ‘文 Wen’ and ‘象Xiang’; and clarifying the principles of Zi behind the formation of polysemous characters through a classification method called ‘類lei’. At first, we focus on criticizing the explanation of Duanyucai段玉裁 on the meanings of Ming and Zi, through which we confused the exact concepts of them. After that we further research into the differences and relations between them. It is largely composed of three steps. The first is studying the establishment of the Ming theory by looking into texts of Mozi, Gongsunlongzi and Xunzi. The second is studying its alternation after the succession of Xunzi by investigating the usages of Wen and Xiang. Lastly, the thesis focuses on the Zi theory by further explaining about formation of Xingxiang形象 principles in Han dynasty.
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