글로버메뉴 바로가기 본문 바로가기 하단메뉴 바로가기

논문검색은 역시 페이퍼서치

중국언어연구검색

Journal of Chinese Linguistics in Korea


  • - 주제 : 어문학분야 > 중어중문학
  • - 성격 : 학술지
  • - 간기: 격월
  • - 국내 등재 : KCI 등재
  • - 해외 등재 : -
  • - ISSN : 1229-554x
  • - 간행물명 변경 사항 :
논문제목
수록 범위 : 74권 0호 (2018)

隱現句“走”類動詞與“移動事件槪念?架”

당리
한국중국언어학회|중국언어연구  74권 0호, 2018 pp. 27-55 ( 총 29 pages)
6,400
초록보기
현대 중국어에서 “走·?·飛” 등의 “방식 이동 동사”는 맨 동사로 은현문에 쓰일 수 있는 반면에, “爬·遊” 등의 “방식 이동 동사”는 은현문에 쓰이지 못한다. 그렇다면 “走·?·飛” 등은 각각 어떤 의미들을 갖고 있는지, 의미가 어떻게 확장되는지, 어떤 공통적인 의미 특징을 갖고 있기에 은현문에 쓰일 수 있는지에 대해 본고는 “이동 사건 틀”의 관점에서 동사 “走”를 중심으로 이를 고찰하고자 했다. 갑골문에 나온 “走”의 의미는 “서둘러 가는 것, 혹은 빨리 달리는 것”으로 해석된다. “走”는 그 본의에서 방사형 의미 확장을 했고 이 여러 가지 부가된 의미적 자질들은 모두 “이동 사건 틀”에 속한다. “走·?·飛”는 모두 “기점 의미연쇄”라는 공통점이 있다. 또한 이 세 이동 동사들은 공통적으로 비정교화된 특징을 가지고 있고, [빠름]、[이동]등의 의미 자질도 의미구조 속에 내포하고 있기 때문에 의미 확장 과정에서 “逃走”, “離開”의 의미 항목을 가지게 되어 은현문에 쓰일 수 있다. 그러나 “爬·遊”와 같은 방식 이동 동사들은 의미 확장 과정에서 [빠름]의 의미 자질을 갖지 않기 때문에 “逃走”, “離開”의 의미 항목을 생성하지 못하고 은현문에도 쓰이지 못하게 된다.
6,100
초록보기
Chinese ditransitive construction is the construction which is defined by construction grammar. It has three arguments < agent recipient patient >, and its construction meaning is the delivery of patient from agent to recipient. Also, the prototype of Chinese ditransitive construction is the ditransitive construction of concrete object delivery, it expand to information delivery, name delivery, lose delivery through conceptual metaphor. It is also effective in education to understand Chinese ditransitive construction from the perspective of a construction grammar. The human brain better memorizes and comprehends when associated with each other. From the view point of generative grammar, these(concrete object delivery, name delivery, lose delivery) are distinct constructions. So we have to study these three constructions individually. On the other hand, from the view point of construction grammar, we can explain name delivery and lose delivery based on concrete object delivery. If we're educated in this point of view, learners are expected to better understand and remember the Chinese ditransitive construction.

使役句硏究小考 - 以形源動詞爲中心

이영희
한국중국언어학회|중국언어연구  74권 0호, 2018 pp. 83-103 ( 총 21 pages)
5,600
초록보기
通過跨語言分析我們獲悉表達致使的三種類型,其一是利用使役標記詞,其二是附加使役詞綴的形態標記,其三是无標記的使役零標記。我們通過形源動詞的及物性和起始性來證明漢語形容詞的致使用法,通過對照具有形態標記的韓語和日語的形容詞起始性和及物性轉換,得到其結果是: 其一具有致使結構的形源動詞,受域外論元導致使役; 其二具有起始性的非致使結構的形源動詞,不受域外論元的影響,而是自身控制導致其使役。這種現象通過漢韓日得以證實。

漢語口語中的副詞后置現象及生成動因探討

송소맹
한국중국언어학회|중국언어연구  74권 0호, 2018 pp. 105-125 ( 총 21 pages)
5,600
초록보기
In modern spoken Chinese, we can often hear adverb postposition sentences. In this paper, we analyzed the causes and mechanisms of adverb postpositions by examining their pattern of usage . The phenomenon of adverb postposition in spoken Chinese follows a certain discourse mechanism based on several cognitive internal motivations. First, the relative urgency of speaking in oral dialogue allows the speaker to express more important information first and give less important information afterwards. This phenomenon often occurs in topic-comment sentences where the adverbs stay close to predicate focus. The postposition makes the focus more prominent. In argument-focus sentences, as the adverbs are semantically more closely related to subject arguments, they need to stay close to subject arguments and cannot be postdated. And when the speaker tells a new event to the listener, the adverbs in the sentence are generally in the periphery of the whole propositional information, it is not close to the subject or the predicate, so the postposition does not affect the conveyance of the meaning of the sentence. However, the subclass semantics of the adverbs still distinguish functional words and content words. Therefore, they are restricted by information structure in different ways. When the adverb acts as a focus or a part of focus areas, it cannot be left behind. When the adverb's meaning is functional and does not bear the propositional information of the sentence but only the modal information, it can easily stay out of the proposition and postposition.

指人賓語與動量詞的位置關系探討

황후남
한국중국언어학회|중국언어연구  74권 0호, 2018 pp. 127-148 ( 총 22 pages)
5,700
초록보기
本文探討了指人賓語與動量詞的位置關系探討。本文涉及的指人賓語包括一般人名、由指人名詞構成的限定詞短語以及人稱代詞;動量詞包括表示動作行爲進行的時期段和表示動作行爲發生的次數。衆所周知,指人賓語與動量詞的位置關系有時不對稱,卽:賓語爲一般人名時,動量詞可以置于賓語的前后;賓語爲指人的限定詞短語和人稱代詞時,動量詞只能位于賓語之后。除了時量詞與一般人名之間可以揷入“的”之外,其?均不能揷入“的”字。爲了解釋這種不對稱的語言現象,本文做了較詳細的分析,槪括如下: 第一,“指人名詞+動量詞”結構是從“動詞+賓語+動詞+動量詞”結構中心詞移位進化來的,這時的動量詞爲小句謂語的補足語,由于賓語由主句謂語帶着,動量補語又小句主語帶着,因此其賓語不受限定與非限定制約。 第二,“次數詞+指人名詞”結構的動量詞,是VP內的狀語,形成Frequency Phrase,表示述賓表示的行爲的次數,兩者結構關系爲狀中結構,因此兩者之間不能揷入“的”字。 第三,“時量詞+指人名詞”結構,根据能結構之間揷入“的”字,可分爲狀中結構和定中結構。能揷入“的”字的可以視爲定中短語。述賓結構因爲動名化置于動名短語GP之下,因此時量詞處于定語位置。 第四, 動量詞无論是VP內的狀語,還是GP內的定語,等V移位與輕動詞合幷后,VP內和GP內只存留“動量+指人名詞”,由于名詞性詞組的最大投射爲DP,在DP內,限定詞可以選擇一個數詞短語做自己的補足語;數詞短語選擇一個量詞短語做自己的補足語;量詞短語選擇一個名詞短語做自己的補足語。根据限定語詞組特征,代詞只能c-command數量詞短語(NumP),而數量詞短語不能c-command代詞,因此動量詞不能位于代詞之前。
초록보기
Central to this paper is a hypothesis that there were big tension between Shang(商) and Dongyi(東夷), not a lopsided victory over Dongyi(東夷) as Chinese scholars claim to be. Based on the Oracle-Bone Inscriptions of the 5th Period Huangzu(黃組), there were about sixty more texts of war stories between Shang(商) and Dongyi(東夷) written by Shang(商) archives. The archives use the word ‘zheng(正), conquer’, as they wish for a victory, and Chinese scholars interpret the word ‘zheng(正)’ as victory, but it was a wish word, not a result of war. This paper also focuses on a word combination Tianyishang(天邑商), the Shang city of heaven which appears only once during the whole Shang Dynasty. The sudden appearance of Tianyishang(天邑商) tell us that Tianyishang(天邑商) faced the big threat from the Dongyi(東夷), and wanted to protect their capital city with the divine power of heaven. In this context, I argue that Dongyi(東夷) occupied the territory of Shang(商) and also threatened the capital city, that was the reason why Shang(商) tried to attack the Dongyi(東夷) continuously. Oracle-Bone Inscriptions of the 5th Period Huangzu(黃組) tell us plainly that there was not a Shang(商)’s final victory over Dongyi(東夷).

갑골문(甲骨文) ‘□’과 ‘□’ 두 글자에 대한 새로운 고석(考釋)

김혁
한국중국언어학회|중국언어연구  74권 0호, 2018 pp. 177-194 ( 총 18 pages)
5,300
초록보기
本文對甲骨文‘□’、‘□’兩個字進行了新的考釋。關於‘□’字問題,筆者根據文字學證據和卜辭辭例,提出了將‘□’字認爲‘□’(直)字異體的看法。關於‘□’字問題,從字形本身的問題出發,同時根據甲骨文類組學(卽歷組卜辭刻手的書寫習慣),提出了將‘□’字認爲‘□’(今)‘□’(登)的二字合書的看法。但是‘□’、‘□’兩個字各有一例,根本不能提出更多的例子。又,對‘□’字進行考釋時筆者提出的三個證據,在文字、辭例等方面存在不少問題。因此,筆者提出的意見目前還不能完全確定。希望通過今後的深入硏究和新出土資料的補證,能解決在‘□’、‘□’兩個字上存在的根本問題。

≪可洪音義≫中字形與注音相異標題字釋例

이규갑
한국중국언어학회|중국언어연구  74권 0호, 2018 pp. 195-214 ( 총 20 pages)
5,500
초록보기
提要≪可洪音義≫所收錄的標題字中,有不少是字形與字音不匹配的,而此類標題字大部分是異體字或是音譯字。本文選取幾個由於標題字是異體字而導致字形與字音不匹配的字,對其形成原因及過程進行考察。
초록보기
Drawing on Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis, this study examines the effects of the discursive construction of a selected editorial of The Global Times, Huanqiu Shibao on THAAD deployment to South Korea. It interprets how the editorial employes specific discursive strategies to represent their perspectives. The analytic emphases were placed on three layers of the textual, discourse, and social practices which are associated with linguistic features, newspaper style and intertextuality of discourses, and social and political contexts. The findings indicate that the Chinese government-friendly news media employs linguistic features such as stating thesis statements through questions, using various addressing terms and pronouns to separate and amplify specific voices, and applying metaphors to frame the meanings of THAAD deployment into a war. It also represents Chinese ideological beliefs of Big Dream, in particular, China’s Belt and Road Initiative, One Belt One Road Strategy. It was concluded that the discourses could be conceptualized as Chinese political persuasion to spread their supremacy over the Korean government and intimidate Korea through their rhetorical strategies. The strategies pertain to criticism of THAAD deployment, mockery of Korea’s stupidity on the decision, degrading of Korea’s position to the pawn which is the weakest piece in the game of chess, and threatening Korea through the frames comprising warlike metaphors. As a result, this editorial instigates Korea to stay silent and do nothing, which helps China to play The Great Game across Eurasia.

고대중국어 지시사 ‘부(夫)’의 문법화와 소실 과정에 대한 연구

백은희
한국중국언어학회|중국언어연구  74권 0호, 2018 pp. 245-269 ( 총 25 pages)
6,000
초록보기
There are several demonstratives in Archaic Chinese which are later grammaticalized to various grammatical markers. Distal demonstrative “FU(夫)” is the historic source for introductory particle, named “FAYUCI(發語詞)”. “FU” has demonstrative function and FAYUCI function simultaneously until the Han dynasty, but since the Wei, Jin dynasties, “FU” only has FAYUCI function. After the Song dynasty, “FU” finally disappeared in the history. The grammaticalization and extinction of “FU” result from its weak reference feature. Its reference feature is weaker than “BI(彼)” which also belongs to the distal demonstratives, and this is why “FU” became lose their reference function and finally disappeared.
1 2 >