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논문검색은 역시 페이퍼서치

구비문학연구검색

Journal of Korean Oral Literature


  • - 주제 : 어문학분야 > 국문학
  • - 성격 : 학술지
  • - 간기: 계간
  • - 국내 등재 : KCI 등재
  • - 해외 등재 : -
  • - ISSN : 1229-019X
  • - 간행물명 변경 사항 :
논문제목
수록 범위 : 11권 0호 (2000)

한국 신화와 에스키모 신화의 비교 연구

김대숙 ( Kim Dae-sook )
한국구비문학회|구비문학연구  11권 0호, 2000 pp. 1-23 ( 총 23 pages)
6,300
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This paper aims at introducing the Eskimo mythology into Korea for the first time and searching for the universality and particularity of Korean mythology through comparison of the two. One of the typical Eskimo mythologies is that of the Sedna, the goddess of the under world. The mythology is the story of the young Sedna who lived with her widower-father, became unhappy when she followed a bird which came flying from far away and led her into temptation, met her father and returned home again, and became the queen of the under world. The mythology sets out on the keynote of the relationship of father-daughter, and then conflicts arise in her having connection with a man without her father's permission. In the story that part of Sedna's body changes into a sea animal and fish, we can find out a characteristic of the goddess of product. In Eskimo folk customs they hold a festival in honor of Sedna in early winter in an attempt to prevent evil-spirited Sedna from spoiling the hunting. The Sedna mythology has many similarities with The Dog Husband. Once upon a time there was a young woman who got pregnant through the connection with her dog. All of her family and villagers went off from the village and left her behind alone. She bore dog-children and raised them well, and in the end it made the people come back to the village. Sedna transformed all the dog-children into men and taught them to fish and hunt. At last her son became the chief of the village. Sedna made food of part of her body, and got fire to cook fish and meat. She was also good at fishing and hunting. In this context she looks like a cultural heroine. The Sedna mythology looks similar to the Korean mythologies such as Gamenjangagi, Baridagi, Danggumagi. These mythologies are feminine, and set out on the keynote of the relationship of father-daughter. The connection with a male gives rise to conflicts. They deal with the routines such as eating. They show a characteristic of a goddess of product, and also appear as a under-world goddess. Particularly the subject of mobility is a woman, and the process of mobility is interpreted as a process of cultural transmission and admission. It is peculiar that Sedna was not worshiped as a goddess. Because of the barren environmental factors, it seems that Sedna's son couldn't develop the mythology into a national one.
7,700
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This study is an attempt to comprehend the history and structure of Japanese myth, which has the conflicting characteristic of two opposing ancient myths. The two myths are Takamanohara myth(高天原系神話) centered on Amaterasohomikami(天照大御神) and Izmo myth(出雲系神話) centered on Susanoonomikoto(須佐之男命). The followings are the results of the study intended above. The history of the Japanese myth reveals an important evidence of how the group of ancient Korean immigrants to Japan tried to keep the original Korean Myth in the new environment. And the structure of the myth shows a crucial evidence of conflict and opposition between different groups of immigrants. In other words, the group from Silla(新羅) brought first the farming culture with them. Then, the group from Karak(駕洛) with their hunting culture later, embracing the culture of Silla people, established Yamado(大和) throne. But, in spite of these integration, their two powers cannot make the perfect assimilation. Each of them keep the considerable power, Therefore, the myth reflects the conflict and opposition between the two groups. If this investigation has validity, to some extent, this study will contribute the reconstruction of the system of Korean myth and constitutional process of Korean culture.

한국·만주·몽골의 창세신화 변천의 의미

박종성 ( Park Jong-seong )
한국구비문학회|구비문학연구  11권 0호, 2000 pp. 63-105 ( 총 43 pages)
11,800
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This study aims to examine the diverging aspects of the God of Creation's role in Creation myth, based on the analysis of the transmitting aspects of mytheme in Creation myths of Korea, Manchu, and Mongol. The main result of mytheme analysis indicates that the Highest God of Creation were diverged into the God of Creation in a higher grade, God of Creation in a lower grade, God competing for the rule of the mortal world, and removed God and the role was also divided accordingly. In such a divergence, the change from the highest God of Creation to the father God of human hero provides a significant axis in the transition of Creation myth. The transition of Creation myth includes the changing course from the female God to the male God Considering the transition from Abka hehe to Abka eonduri etc, respectively, the transitional course is evident in Manchurian myth, but not in Korean myth. It can be assumed that Mongolian myth is somewhere between them. In the myth in which the Highest God of Creation does not play an active role or disappears from the outset, Sokka and Miruk or Maidar confronting Shibegeni play roles inheriting the male God of Creation's divinity. This fact implies that the transitional aspect in the character change of the God of Creation, even though it is unclear where God in the next generation is the male God or female God. Three aspects such as < the Highest God of Creation - the God of Creation in a lower grade > -> < the male God of Creation - the following God > -> < the father God - the son God > crucially indicates the transition of Creation myth, generally occurring in Korean, Mongolian, and Manchurian myths. The match between the good God and the evil God can be full-fledgedly found in the match between God of Creation in a lower grade and the evil God, rather than the match between the Highest God of Creation and the evil God. In both Korean and Mongolian myths, two Gods appearing in the competition for the rule of the mortal world are set up as the son god or the brotherhood God, implying that Gods more directly connected to human world come to the fore, replacing the Highest God of Creation. A Manchurian myth like < Samumpaeja(三音貝子) > displays a unique aspect where an identical God appears with different names. It can be understoood as the internal representation of the transition of Creation myth, rather than as the confusion in the transmission of myth. It is highly probable that the heavenly god abka eonduri is < Jangbaeksanju(長 白山主) >. From the perspective of bestowing the meaning to myth, the appearance of < Jangbaeksanju(長白山主) > can be regarded as the change in recognizing God by the transmitting group. The new disciplines of human world are provided by the appearance of Gods who are more closely involved in human life than abka hehe and abka eonduri. To be more specific, Gods who governs human life, living in a sacred place come to the front, replacing the heavenly god who are the highest God in Heaven, far remoting from human world.

동아시아 영웅신화의 비교연구

서대석 ( Seo Dae-seok )
한국구비문학회|구비문학연구  11권 0호, 2000 pp. 107-141 ( 총 35 pages)
7,500
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This paper selects hero myths from each of the East Asian peoples and, through a comparative study of the hero's lineage, ability, achievements, and the rites held after the hero's death, attempts to uncover the characteristics of each peoples' mythologies. The selected materials are Korea's Myth of Ju-mong, China's Myth of Yi, Manzu's Taraihanmama, and Japan's Myth of Susanoo. The characteristics uncovered are as follows. In Korea's Myth of Ju-mong and Japan's Myth of Susanoo, the hero's noble lineage is emphasized. These myths are myths of royal authority and can be seen as the product of patriarchal societies. China's Myth of Yi and Manzu's Taraihanmama, on the other hand, show no special interest in lineage. The Myth of Yi deals with humanity, unconcerned with royal authority, overcoming a natural disaster, and the Taraihanmama's female hero shows it to be a product of a matriarchal society. In the area of the hero's ability, Ju-mong, Yi, and Tarai are all heros skilled in archery, while Susanoo uses a sword. The bow was an important weapon of pre-agricultural hunting society and was used regularly by the eastern barbarian tribes. The sword was made during the Iron Age and is thus a weapon developed by Iron Age culture groups. In this respect we can say Susanoo is a hero of an Iron Age culture group. Ju-mong displays magical ability as well by solving an important problem; thus his personality shows aspects of both the king and the shaman. In addition, Tarai values proper judgment, an ability demanded of the leader of a constitutional, democratic society. This shows this myth to be the product of a highly developed social mentality. The great deeds achieved by the protagonists and the result of attaining godhood have a very definite functional relationship. Ju-mong founded Koguryeo and was worshipped as its founding god. Yi eliminated the disaster afflicting humanity and became a protector god (Zong Bu) to whom sacrifices are offered in hopes of avoiding natural disaster. Tarai brought peace to quarreling tribes and established proper laws, and thus received seasonal offerings from the tribes. Susanoo vanquished the great snake and saved the people and was served by the village people in a shrine they built. Thus, in spite of the commonality of East Asian myths, it was discovered that each area had its own unique myth based on that area's natural environment or human conditions.

동(東)아시아 제민족(諸民族)의 분포(分布)와 언어학적(言語學的) 분류(分類)

송기중 ( Song Gi-jung )
한국구비문학회|구비문학연구  11권 0호, 2000 pp. 143-178 ( 총 36 pages)
7,600
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If language is recognized as the element that determines an ethnic group, then the number of ethnic groups is equal to the number of languages. The existence of minority ethnic groups is first of all closely related to political history, and secondly to geographical environment. In most cases where a minority ethnic group has direct and continuous contact with the ruling, centralized government of a another ethnic group, language was the first thing to be lost, followed by ethnic identity. Those ethnic groups not faced with such a situation were able to survive. Those groups, like the Yenchin and the Mongols, that had once dominated the world stage either died out or became minority groups due to continuous contact with the Han people, which made up the majority of China. Geographically isolated groups, such as those in mountainous or island areas, were able to preserve their language and ethnical identity. The majority of the minority groups in southern China are in this category. The similarities of various cultures are often compared in anthropology, folklore studies, or mythology studies, and the relations between the origins of these cultures is often mentioned. Yet in the case of 'race' the criteria of differentiation are to some extent well established, but in the case of 'ethnic group' it is difficult to objectively establish any convincing criteria. In the era of historical comparative linguistics, which developed at the beginning of the 19th century, a popular interpretation was to extend the similarities between languages to a theory of identical ethnical origin. In the latter half of the 19th century it was discovered that the Korean language possessed some similarities with the Ural-Altaic languages used by nomadic Turkic and Mongol peoples of Central Eurasia and the Tartar language group, and thus the Ural-Altaic language family theory was introduced. This theory was handed down to Korean intellectuals under the colonial rule of Japan by Japanese scholars. As was the case in central Europe in the 19th century, this theory was expanded to form the basis for a search for the origin of the Korean people in the regions north of the Korean peninsula. Afterward, the Ural-Altaic language family theory became simply the Altaic language family theory, and many scholars spent many years trying to come up with definitive evidence for this theory. Their efforts, however, could not draw the attention of the international academic world, and they are now fading away. Yet, since the era of the Ural-Altaic language family, the idea of a relationship between the Korean peoples and the northern peoples is firmly established in the minds of most researchers of Korean culture. The similarities, beginning with myths and including such customs as shamanism, can be confirmed. This has scholarly research value, but we must be careful of offering the explanation that "the Korean people groups and the northern people groups are offshoots of the same root."

중국신화(中國神話)의 역사(歷史)와 구조(構造) ― 반고신화(盤古神話)를 중심(中心)으로 ―

정재서 ( Jung Jae-seo )
한국구비문학회|구비문학연구  11권 0호, 2000 pp. 179-199 ( 총 21 pages)
6,100
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In this paper, we studied on the history and structure of Chinese myths centering around Pan-gu myth. The existence of creation myth has become a big issue in Chinese mythology. Pan-gu myth is very important in relation with this issue. the results of this study is as follows. First, we came to know that Pan-gu myth was appropriated by Daoism later age when we analyzed historical texts about Pan-gu myth. It means Pan-gu myth has an original position on Chinese ancient culture. And we abstracted 4 mythemes―chaos, the birth of Pan-gu, the beginning of world, the change of Pan-gu corpse―from the historical texts. Secondly, we ascertained that 4 mythemes of Pan-gu myth have a general meaning of creation myth. But we can not exclude the possibility that the meaning of natural death was controlled by the humanistic viewpoint later age. And we can read the structure of Pan-gu myth as the relation of creation / destruction, nature / human, unconsciousness / consciousness, other / subject. Lastly, we hope that we will enlarge the textual extent to the oral texts of ethnic groups in China afterwards.

동아시아 창세신화 연구(1) ―남매혼 신화와 근친상간금지의 윤리학―

조현설 ( Cho Hyun-soul )
한국구비문학회|구비문학연구  11권 0호, 2000 pp. 201-221 ( 총 21 pages)
6,100
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The East-Asian brother and sister's marriage myth is just the question about the prohibition. However the most noteworthy thing in a brother an d sister's marriage myth is not the prohibition itself, but the prohibition and the violation of legislation. The prohibiton and the lawful violation of prohibition are just subjects of a brother and sister's marriage myth. The incest prohibition in a brother and sister's marriage myth is not act ing by an absolute legislation. When they violated 'Don't eat' or 'Don't look back', they would be punished by God but the consanguineous marr iage of siblings was a permitted violation as the point of getting God' per mission through the test. And the result of the violation was not the punis hment but the blessing being the founder of mankind. As we know through the flood bursted from the result of sin in the floo d myth, the morals named the prohibition is the God's judgement and th e organization of judgement. As being the God's judgement and decided by one transcendental value measure, it can not but be the system of 'good or evil'. But there is the desire of getting over this judgement system, it is shown by the brother and sister's marriage myth. By this desire, the ethics overturning the sys tem of 'good or evil' is composed. The mythical discourse has as its theme the passage from the indifferen ce to incest to its prohibition. The brother and sister's marriage myth, in cluding simultaneously the narratives without the complex of prohibition a nd the narratives with the prohibition as the strong system of judgement is the mythical discourse hanging around the doorsill of just this passage.

월남 므엉(Muong)족의 창세서사시 <땅과 물의 기원>(Đe Đat Đe Nuoc)

최귀묵 ( Choi Kwi-muk )
한국구비문학회|구비문학연구  11권 0호, 2000 pp. 223-265 ( 총 43 pages)
11,800
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This study was designed to comprehend the outline of the epic poetry of the Muong(one of the Vietnamese ethnic minorities) : < The birth of the earth and water >(BEW), and to compare it with the myth of the Kinh(the major nation of Vietnam today). It is believed that The Muong and the Kinh have a common origin, so called the Old Viet. BEW has three main parts. (1)the origin of world the and the human, (2)the origin of the culture, (3)the struggle against the enemy. BEW shows the feature of transitional epic poetry from primitive to ancient. BEW is very characteristic in three points following. The Muong imagined the Holy Tree, instead of the Giant. They thought that the original ancestor was born by the connection of the heaven and the earth. And they thought the human was born from an egg. The myth of the Kinh forms a striking contrast to that of the Muong. In the myth of the Kinh the Giant separated the heaven and the earth, and made configuration of the earth. The myth of the Kinh is still more poor and fragmentary. According to the Kinh the human was created by the Ochuang, the god of heaven. The Giant and the Ochuang seems to be introduced from China during the colonial era. BEW and the myth of the Kinh are common in the idea that the original ancestor was born from an egg in which has several eggs. But the orientation of the motif is not same. In BEW the motif of birth from an egg symbolized the same origin of many. To the contrary the Kinh insisted on their leading role in the establishment of the country. The Kinh also expressed their pride of entering into the medieval age. Establishment of the country, entering into the medieval age, and the flourishing of Buddhism seemed to force the Kinh to keep away from their epic tradition.

동아시아 알타이어계 민족의 민족기원신화(民族起源神話)에 나타난 특징 연구

최원오 ( Choi Won-oh )
한국구비문학회|구비문학연구  11권 0호, 2000 pp. 267-319 ( 총 53 pages)
12,800
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This paper puts in order some characteristics of Altaic language group and Ainu national origin mythologies. Altaic peoples are divided into the Turkic, Mongolian, and Manchu-Tungus language groups, and compared with the Ainu, which are classified as an ancient Asian people group. The Ainu, however, are identical to the Altaic groups in both religion (shamanism) and various mythological elements as well. Thus it appears that the Ainu share much in common with the Altaic people groups. Through this research I have taken a sampling of some of the similarities and differences in the national origin mythologies of the Altaic people groups and the Ainu. One similarity is that all of the groups worship a heavenly god; this appears to be related to the identical shamanistic beliefs of these groups, since the most important characteristic of shamanism is the worship of such a heavenly god. All of these groups also worship animals, which can also be judged to be related to shamanism. Yet the differences appear in the specific target of worship. Wolf worship, for example, is strong in the Turkic language group, while the Mongol language group peoples worship the dog, horse, and cow, and the Manchu-Tungus language group peoples and the Ainu worship the bear. This can be understood to be a product of the natural and ethnic environments in which each people group exists. Also, a strong relationship is revealed in the bear worship and tree worship that the Manchu-Tungus share in common. The above research is merely an organization of the characteristics of Altaic national origin mythologies, not a deep examination of the subject. Yet this research shows promise for a meaningful investigation of the origins of various East Asian people groups from a mythological perspective.
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