글로버메뉴 바로가기 본문 바로가기 하단메뉴 바로가기

논문검색은 역시 페이퍼서치

국제중국학연구검색

Journal of International Chinese Studies


  • - 주제 : 어문학분야 > 중어중문학
  • - 성격 : 학술지
  • - 간기: 연간
  • - 국내 등재 : -
  • - 해외 등재 : -
  • - ISSN : 1229-4888
  • - 간행물명 변경 사항 :
논문제목
수록 범위 : 7권 0호 (2004)

文學 : 《詩經》硏究方法擧隅 -以<齊風,南山>爲例

홍국량 ( Kuo Liang Hung )
한국중국학회|국제중국학연구  7권 0호, 2004 pp. 3-23 ( 총 21 pages)
5,600
초록보기
Explanations of poems in Shih Ching by scholars in ancient times are diversified. If we want to grasp the real meaning of the author, we must make a breakthrough for those obstacles such as ancient language, systems, writing skills and environment of speech, etc. This article is taking the poem Tsi FungNan Shan(齊風南山) for an example, by analyzing its writing background and skill in order to gain the thesis of this poem. In this writing, I emphasize the method Ch, ung Chang Hu Tsu(重章互足) of Ch`ung Chang Fu T`a(重章複沓). By this doing, I believe that the contradictory opinions from ancient times up to now can be solved.

文學 : 春秋時期"賦詩言志"現象的探析

김민종 ( Min Jong Kim )
한국중국학회|국제중국학연구  7권 0호, 2004 pp. 25-37 ( 총 13 pages)
4,800
초록보기
Examining the procedures of the Chinese poetry development in a bird-eye view, the Chunqiu era was the period where the political and societal roles of the poetry were reflected in a very unique form. The poetry in the Chunqiu era served not only its primary role of producing literary works, but also extended its function to a means of communication in the diplomatic interactions between the Chunqiu and its feudally-superior countries. Particularly, this role was performed in a so-called "Fushiyanzhi" method, in which long phrases extracted from Shijing were often used in intimating one`s intention. The related research and studies reveal that the method was used widely in that period. "Fushiyanzhi" was a system in which the long phrases were quoted from Shijing and used as a means of communication in conveying one`s personal intentions, as well as in delivering a diplomatic response. It was an essential means of communication for those pursuing a career success, and thus required them to gain a thorough knowledge in Shijing for an effective use of "Fushiyanzhi". Despite its prevalence over the Chunqiu era, the "Fushiyanzhi" method, often illustrated in Zuozhuan and Guoyu, has left no trace behind since then, which is still considered as one of the rarest cultural and literary phenomenon in the Chinese history. This article is structured to conduct a detailed analysis on the method of "Duanzhangquyi" by verifying various divergent views, which were previously discussed, on the mechanism of "Fushiyanzhi". In addition, the analysis will take a further step towards the socio-political roles of the poetry in the Chunqiu era, by examining the stages of the prosperity and decline of "Fushiyanzhi". First, "Fushi" had its own unique tone levels, which were very distinctive from the ones of "Songshi" and "Geshi". Current research and studies, however, lack the in-depth knowledge regarding this, and thus, more profound and detailed research needs to be conducted to interpret the concrete and detailed features of this tone. Moreover, the demand for "Fushiyanzhi" grew out of the ruling classes, who were attracted to its indirect and implicit ways of expression. The implicitness and subtleness of "Fushiyanzhi" were influenced by the method of "Duanzhangquyi", which were adapted not only to "Fushiyanzhi" itself, but also to the extent of "Yinshi", giving impacts on various writings until the Han dynasty. However, it is not to be overlooked that the prevalence of "Fushiyanzhi" was based on the ideological background of ``utilitarianism``, which sought to submit the usefulness of poetry and music to the society where the governance of the country was based on the rules of norms and taken-for-granted beliefs, rather than a law. This is consistent with the fact that the poems and songs in China have long been evaluated in terms of practicability aspect, rather than of its literature uniqueness, ever since the beginning of the Chu dynasty. Based on this ideological background and practicability, the focus on the traditional use of "Fushiyanzhi" in the royal rituals began to shift to the use of communication for the ruling classes at the beginning of the Chu era, and had served as that particular means over several hundred years.

文學 : 詩探<毛穎傳>之寓意

고광민 ( Kwang Min Ko )
한국중국학회|국제중국학연구  7권 0호, 2004 pp. 39-54 ( 총 16 pages)
5,100
초록보기
韓愈<毛穎傳>是一篇較獨特的作品。韓愈運用遊戱筆法,爲毛筆立傅, 倂表達「秦眞少恩」。不過, 韓愈爲何運用遊戱筆法批評「秦眞少恩」?「秦眞少恩」倂不是在政治上較敏感的問題, 無妨直接發出議論。歷代有關<毛潁傳>的評論, 幾乎偏於韓愈的藝術技巧, 極少提出<毛穎傳>的寓意。在此, 筆者認爲<毛潁傳>可能有령外一個眞正寓意, 所以, 根據於韓愈的創作傾向、<毛穎傳>寫作背景以及<毛穎傳>的內容, 探討<毛穎傳>的寓意。中庸的陸贄是, 符合<毛穎傳>中的毛潁的角色, 而且他是韓愈的「坐主」, 韓愈是他的「門生」。령外, 韓愈對德宗的評價不高。他在《願宗實錄》揭露出德宗末年的社會弊病, 以及德京的無能。根據以上的硏究, 筆者認爲毛穎與秦王, 흔可能指著陸贄與德宗, 所以, <毛穎傳>也許暗地裡指責「德宗少恩」。

文學 : 洪州禪與中晩唐詩壇

박영환 ( Young Hwan Park )
한국중국학회|국제중국학연구  7권 0호, 2004 pp. 55-83 ( 총 29 pages)
6,400
초록보기
馬祖道一基于"觸類是道"、"无心是道"的理論思想, 在禪的實踐上主張"卽心卽佛"、"平常心是道"、"任運自在"。不要起心造惡, 一心修善, 日常生活中的行住坐와、吃飯穿衣都是佛性的表現。可說道一把禪宗完全推向了世俗化和生活化的時期, 爲禪賦予新的生机和活力。因此開創了在禪宗史上空前絶后的"分燈越祖"的新時代。同時生動、活潑、朴素的思想風格影響到中晩唐詩壇, 不僅推進了詩歌創作中自然、縱情思想的友展, 而且形成了强有力的詩僧隊伍, 輩出了不少主張以禪喩詩的詩學理論家, 與此同時也促進了儒者禪化、禪者儒化的思想傾向。

Literature : A Comparative Study on Cosmology of Chinese and Korean Myths

( In Tack Lee )
한국중국학회|국제중국학연구  7권 0호, 2004 pp. 85-105 ( 총 21 pages)
5,600
초록보기
Ancient myths refer to the most basic problems of human life, for they are concerned with the ultimate meaning, not only of our own existence, but of the entire cosmos as well. This paper deals with the outlook on the universe, the type of creation of each country, and the mutual influence of the two countries on each other, focusing on Chinese and Korean myths. This article is subdivided into two sections: chaos and creation of the world, and cosmos after creation. In the Chinese case, some fragments of creation myths remain in the form of both written records and oral traditions. By contrast, some vestiges of creation myths can be found in Korean shaman songs. Concerning cosmology we can summarize as follows: (1) Conditions before the beginning of the world-Chaos in both countires; (2) Creator-gods-Pan Gu and Nu Wa in China; Hwan In, Miruk in Korea; (3) Methods of creation-Transformation, or spontaneous generation in China; Partial transformation, creation by a creator, or spontaneous generation in Korea (such motifs as chaos and pillar are common in both myths); (4) The creation of a human being out of yellow clay in both countries (the motif of the transformation of a super being into human beings is found only in the Chinese myth); (5) a clear-cut difference between the two myths is that later on the relationship between heaven and humans in Chinese myth suddenly stopped, whereas the rift between the two worlds never occurred in Korean myth.

文學 : 朝鮮朝以來淸代詩學硏究槪述

유성준 ( Sung Joon Yoo )
한국중국학회|국제중국학연구  7권 0호, 2004 pp. 107-138 ( 총 32 pages)
6,700
초록보기
說到淸代詩學與韓國漢文學的交流關系, 其黃金時期就是종大約17世紀卽朝鮮朝英正祖時代前後開始的. 所以其有關資料也是종朝鮮中後期的文獻中, 部分的可以抽出而參考. 然而其資料範圍也有限制, 종數多文人的文集里, 難조朝鮮人評淸代詩文的文章, 只有閱覽朝鮮詩話종編與黃玹, 李建昌文集等朝鮮末期典籍而已. 最近我在集中搜集有關資料當中, 直接體驗此種學朮上的狀況, 不禁可惜之感. 寫本文的過程中, 幸好在李德懋《淸脾록》及《東詩종話》(作者未詳)幾個資料中, 조出不少有關王士楨等的評價資料. 但有關這類的評語, 在朝鮮有相當數之記록, 可想而知在這時期對淸代詩也有相當的重視及肯定. 但也可指出其對象以王士楨開始, 不過僅局限于幾個人, 論理性不足. 現實雖然如此, 但朝鮮朝之資料在本文是初次搜集整理的部分, 其價値흔高. 寫本文的過程中, 在朝鮮朝後期發現對于淸代詩之評價之理由, 是受到朝鮮朝英正祖時代, 實學派登場的實事求是的學風有關. 朝鮮朝詩學的主流是根據唐宋詩的, 其脈絡也象徵韓國漢詩的風格. 由此可見, 在朝鮮朝後期조出對淸代詩學的評價, 可說是韓國漢詩史之特徵. 종1945年在日本的統治到獨立之後, 因半世紀以上, 在中國詩硏究都以唐宋詩爲主, 然其實硏究淸代詩學之成果, 在比率上是相當低的. 因此其硏究之量與質比其他部門, 不算흔高, 硏究對象也極有限定. 淸代詩學硏究主持中, 柳晟俊的《淸詩話硏究》等只有幾本而已, 而論文的主題也以王士楨, 袁枚, 沈德潛, 翁方綱, 主夫之, 黃遵憲等四大詩論爲主的詩論, 以及著重若干的詩話分析, 如근純粹的淸詩話硏究比較, 有相當低調的傾向. 其理由已提示過, 淸詩硏究脫離了詩硏究的對象中心軸, 但以硏究學問之均衡的發展及硏究對象之價値來判斷, 切實體會要開始大幅的活性化.

文學 : 日帝時代韓國和臺灣接受魯迅之比較

김양수 ( Yang Su Kim )
한국중국학회|국제중국학연구  7권 0호, 2004 pp. 139-157 ( 총 19 pages)
5,400
초록보기
Korea and Taiwan have undergone similar historical courses since their early modern periods. Korea got colonized by Japan in 1910 and won the National Liberation in 1945 that led to the 1948 foundation of the Republic of Korea(R.O.K.). But the national peace did not last long. As the Korean War broke out in 1950, the nation got divided into South and North and has kept a state of cease-fire until now. Since the early 1960s, South Korea had gone through military dictatorship and democratic movements against it for the three decades and, at the same time, had made economic and political achievements. But those developments, however, there has been a tension between South Korea and the powers surrounding the Korean peninsula. Meanwhile, Taiwan, which turned to a Japanese colony in 1895, won the Liberation in the same year as Korea. After then, the government of the Nationalist Party(K.M.T.) that lost the civil war to the Chinese Communist Party(C.C.P.) founded the Republic of China(R.O.C.). Similar to Korea, Taiwan passed through the Emergent Rule and democratic movements for a long time and enjoyed consistent development and security. But Taiwan is still in a tension with China (People`s Republic) that recently emerged as an international power. Considering the recent trend of literary study that requires an international perspective that overcomes the limit of a single nation, it seems necessary that a study of the East Asian colonial literature of the early 20th century should link a vast space of Japan, Taiwan, Korea, Manchuria, and China into a cultural region which has an order of its own and explore on the basis of it the essential characteristics and various developments of the colonial literature. While there are some similarities between Korean literature and Taiwanese literature, it is true differences exist between them, too. Korean scholars can more objectively look into themselves through the mirror of Taiwanese literature. This paper intends to study how Lu Xun, the literary giant of the 20th century Eastern Asian literature, was received in Korea and Taiwan. It consists of four parts. Part I deals with the historical periods and specific contexts Lu Xun was first introduced in Korea and Taiwan and the early translations of his work, as well. Part II focuses on the encounters between Lu Xun and the intellectuals of Korea and Taiwan under the rule of Japanese Empire, more specifically speaking, who met Lu Xun and what for. The third part of this study compares the memorial writings of Lu Xun`s death published in both countries and, by so doing, examines how the literary giant and his images were evaluated and transferred. Part IV of this study relates to Lu Xun`s own concerns with Korea and Taiwan. He began to have interests in minority peoples like Korea and Taiwan when he studied in Japan. Although he maintained those interests throughout his career, he never explicitly revealed his supports for the liberation from colonization in his literary discourses. In addition, Lu Xun did not seem to have concrete understanding of the colonies of Korean and Taiwan. Nevertheless, Lu Xun was regarded as a writer who had deep sympathies with colonial people. It was possible due to his work that embodied the lives of the victimized. And a historical demand of the liberation mixed with his previous image as a writer of resistance helped create a new image of him.

Literature : A Study on the Nature of Nationalism by Han Youn-un (韓龍雲) and Lu Xun(魯迅)

( Sai Jong Yoo )
한국중국학회|국제중국학연구  7권 0호, 2004 pp. 159-185 ( 총 27 pages)
6,200
초록보기
Lu xun(魯迅: 1881-1936) of modern China, and his contemporary Han Yong-un(韓龍雲: 1879-1944) of Korea both lived during the early stage of modernization in East Asia, a period often characterized by the Western occupation of the East and the transition from a traditional society to a modern one in the region. They experienced western modernity in the form of colonialism and agonized over the matter of succession/discontinuation of national tradition and acceptance/rejection of modern ideologies. They were great writers, but, at the same time, they transcended the boundary of literature to work as thinkers and social activists. Takeuchi Yoshimi(竹內 好) notes the futuristic nature of Lu Xun, while Song Uk(宋稶) points out the dual value of Han Yong-un as ``both traditional and futuristic.`` The study of their lives and thoughts thus carries a ``methodological value,`` as one can clearly envision a ``way of living`` through East Asian modernity. The purpose of this paper is to offer certain suggestions as to how to define national consciousness revealed in the social movements initiated by Lu Xun and Han Yong-un within the social context of the time. Chapter 2 summarizes discussions on the subject of nationalism, and is followed, in Chapter 3, by an investigation of the nature of nationalism as resistance to foreign powers, espoused by Lu Xun and Han Yong-un. Based on their experiences as subjects of colonized countries without sovereignty, Han Yong-un and Lu Xun formed their own concept of ``nation`` and ``state`` on one hand, and the idea of the relationship between a ``nation`` and a ``nation``(i.e., an international(國際) relation), on the other. Their nationalism can be characterized as an ideology of confronting and struggling against ``the other`` as a means to deal with crises; in other words, it was employed as a useful tool to meet the challenges of cherishing and saving one`s country in times of national crisis. Chapter 4 discusses the nature of Lu Xun and Han Yong-un`s nationalism in the light of the enlightenment movement. As a means for effective resistance against foreign powers, they emphasized the need to reconstruct individuals, who were, after all, the agents of resistance. For them, the enlightenment movement in the name of ``erecting people(立人)`` by Lu Xun and ``New People(新國民)`` by Han Yong-un was an indispensable process to ``raise a nation (興國)`` and build an ``independent nation``. The greatest obstacle in the process, however, was the traditional culture of each country. Confronted with the problem, Lu Xun opted for nationalism of anti-tradition and anti-feudalism, whereas Han Yong-un sought reform and revolution based on the succession of tradition and Buddhist philosophy. Chapter 5 investigates the nature of their nationalism in the third world context. This particular characteristic allows their nationalism to transcend both the spatial boundary of East Asia and the time boundary of the 20th century. Nationalism envisioned by Lu Xun and Han Yong-un does not degenerate into an egoistic nationalism, a blind pursuit of national interests, or a narrow regionalism. Rather it praises the liberation of oppressed people, advocates assistance to colonized people, criticizes imperialism and wars of aggression, and promotes international solidarity for human liberation. Such an international perspective and commitment to human liberation of their nationalism was an outcome of their grappling with the fundamental problems of ``humanity`` and their attention to ``liberty`` and ``life`` as having ultimate values in human lives.

語學 : 試論普通話複韻母-uei的音値

김종찬 ( Jong Chan Kim )
한국중국학회|국제중국학연구  7권 0호, 2004 pp. 189-201 ( 총 13 pages)
4,800
초록보기
普通話複韻母uei, 當聲母出現在uei前面時, 對其音値的認識有不同的意見。目前最受注目的說法是陰、陽平時是-u(e)i(或-ui)而上、去聲時是-uei這一說法。但又有些人主張-uei的實際音値근聲調沒有關係, 都已讀成-u(e)i(或-ui)了。一般來講-uei中主要元音的響度最大, 但響度也會受到音素、音高的影響。-uei在陰平時其音高是555, 在陽平時是345。因此-uei音陰、陽平中發到i音時咽頭和喉頭肌肉緊縮, 氣流短促, 音色較響亮, 口腔開口度也略小些。在-uei中聲母和u、I都흔高, 唯獨e舌位稍低, 結果受到輔音、前後高元音和聲調的影響, -uei的e高化了, 變成-u(e)i了。-uei音在陰、陽平中是接近於-u(e)i(或-ui), 而在上、去聲中有兩種不同的讀法, 一爲接近於-uei, 一爲接近於-u(e)i。근同樣的三合元音-uai흔不一樣, -uei音在上、去聲中的讀法倂沒有嚴格的限定, 타有一定的自由度。中國人把타讀成-uei也好, 讀成-u(e)i或-ui也好, 都沒問題。因此, 我們認爲漢語평音方案把-uei寫成-ui是自有道理的。

語學 : 試論《니니貴姓(學淸)》的語料價値니

소은희 ( Eun Hee So )
한국중국학회|국제중국학연구  7권 0호, 2004 pp. 21-42 ( 총 22 pages)
5,700
초록보기
It is very important that researchers collect and study continually the spoken materials concerned with Chinese history. Today, the researchers of a broad outlook on life are becoming interested in the Chinese data outside the country as well as the Chinese material inside the country. As the matter of fact, some of the Chinese data outside the country could have been becoming valuable in terms of the value of spoken data for the research of Chinese history. ≪Ni Ne Gui xing(Xue Qing)≫ which was common late in the 19th century is the valuable data needed to research. Although this book has a little data, the material of the book is a useful spoken data, so basically people consider it the same data. Because it has also some northern dialects they can originate it as the data of Chinese history and the data can be a valuable spoken material.
1 2 3 >