글로버메뉴 바로가기 본문 바로가기 하단메뉴 바로가기

논문검색은 역시 페이퍼서치


Seoul National University the Journal of Humanites

  • - 주제 : 인문과학분야 > 기타(인문과학)
  • - 성격 : 학술지
  • - 간기: 계간
  • - 국내 등재 : KCI 등재
  • - 해외 등재 : -
  • - ISSN : 1598-3021
  • - 간행물명 변경 사항 :
수록 범위 : 45권 0호 (2001)

현대국어의 어미 및 문법 패턴의 계량언어학적 연구 (하(下))

이상억 ( Sang Oak Lee )
In this paper, I will present a quantitative analysis of the fre ranking of the following items in modern Korean: (1) prefinal and fina (the latter are used as conclusive morphemes or non-conclusive morpheme (2) the grammatical patterns and adverbial phrases that are connected sentential adverbs. Oddly, there is no research to date on the frequency both suffixes and grammatical patterns. In the 1956 survey conducted Ministry of Education entitled "A Survey of lord Frequency in Korean" basic form of verbal endings were surveyed. In 1997, I conducted the fir of agglutinating suffixes (e.g., conclusive morphemes and non-conclusive mo entitled "Quantitative Research on Verbal Morphemes in Modern Korean" 1997). Since then I have not been able to expand this research to a lar but this first pilot study already showed a valuable index such as ord quency. A couple of others` studies on the frequency of suffixes h reported based on their larger corpus but those of grammatical patter done by others. The above findings are useful in the following ways: First, they are in developing a rational basis for pedagogical syllabi and materials Korean as a foreign or a second language. They are also useful in analy order of presentation of suffixes and structures in existing materials of Korean. This information is useful in improving these materials developing new materials. Second, the findings can also be applied to the order of presentation of morphemes in elementary Korean materi children in Korea. As with materials for foreign learners of Korean, mation is useful in developing a natural and pedagogically effective o agglutinating verbal morphemes. Third, the findings are relevant t translation (particularly English-Korean and Japanese-Korean) because t information on which Korean expressions are more preferable in tra Machine translation, a field that has emerged from computer engineerin accurate linguistic information to succeed and the linguistic informati based on research methods from natural science, in this paper can help bridge from the humanities to engineering.

스페인어권 중남미 문학과 미국문학의 충돌과 상호작용

신정현 ( Jeong Hyu Shin )
Together with the march of industrial capitalism, the symbolistic exp modernists, whose capacity for moral and aesthetic outrage against th former ages estranged themselves from the spiritually effete western cexploded and so exhausted the formal energy of 20th western people. beginning of the 20th century, they attempted an expansion of aesthe sciousness in which the objects and pshchological arena of recent convoluting sub-conscious are assumed to be magically welded into an o art. Some results were a recognition of the perennial difference be objective reality and the subjective art, reiterative futile experiment and the chaotic reality unmanaged. The 20th Western history and the mo endeavor resulted in the feeling of cultural sterility and labyrinth lessness. The symptom of cultural sterility, which was aggravated by the passag cold war years, bothered postmodern American writers as much as the political atmosphere of their time. They went so far as to blame the to creative energy of their society and was at a loss at the impenetrabi world around them. Magic realism of Latin-American Spanish writers prov tangible form of aesthetic solution to their dilemma. For the American served both as a constant reminder of the whims of history, the stages a man`s estrangement from a fully human life, and a life at the far end of history, and as a definite aesthetic device of dealing with their own history that was dwindling to the futile exhaustion of humanistic energy Latin-American magic realism, largely based on a recognition thhistory, whether human or racial, is estranged from humanity through their choice of historical fantasy, presented a history weaved into a fantasy of seemingly inexplicable glee but, in fact, of nightmare and doom. For Latin-American Spanish magic realists such as Borges and Marquez reality and fantasy are inter-reflecting mirrors in which one reflects the other in a catastropic manner. In their fictions such as Borges` "The Library of Babel" and "The Garden of Forking Paths" and Marquez`s One Hundred Years of Solitude, reality is moving forward heavily drawing upon fantasy and in turn fantasy becomes the mysterious curses put on their victims obssessed with illusory fantasy. To lift them from their realm of tragic history, the magic realists cast a spell on them by making reality and illusion interpenetrate. Latin-American Spanish magic realists` ways of retracting the curse history strike a note of affinity with those of such postmodern Americ as Barth and Pynch, both of whom professed their influence. The fic Barth and Pynchon is a symbolic narrative that gives mythic expres postmodern man`s reiterative wandering through the world without ±1 meaning. Never has the feeling of captivity in labyrinth of meaningless more elemental and more like a geometrical law than in their works. Th of captivity in the sterile landscape is captured with the very tone an Latin-American magical realism, and also with the commingling of real illusion. In their magically fictional world of the godless void, w pervading voice of self-commiseration. Their only trouble with Latin magic realism is that they seem to be much more read in everything politics, philosophy, and whatever.
This study responds to two great orthodoxies about English Renaissanc The one, established by Voltaire in the Age of Enlightenment, expl apparent similarities between Shakespeare and Calderon and Lope de Vega Spanish Golden Age in terms of direct literary influence and imitation. advanced and devoutly held by historicists of various persuasions in our has it that English Renaissance drama as a whole constitutes a narrati struggle for hegemony waged between the power elite based at the ab court and the new one emerging from the capitalist society. Both theor place English Renaissance drama in the larger context of the liter politics of early modern Europe. Interestingly enough, however, they bo take into account the fact that the Reformation, more than any other event of the time, changed the configuration of the cultural and politi Europe. This study, then, seeks to engage scholarly attention in exam ways in which the Reformation dictated the form and content of E Renaissance drama. This study points out that the story of the Reformation as the shapi of English Renaissance drama is also the story of religious and encounters and conflicts between England and Spain. Out of the enc between these two nations grew the new genre of historical drama, Voltaire seized upon as evidence of Spanish influence on English Ren drama. Indeed, English drama of the sixteenth and seventeenth centur whole can be characterised as a response to the Reformation, and the and religious issues these events generated. The first English history Bale`s King Johan, was also the first dramatic engagement in a propaganda war against the Roman Catholic Church. Bale reads the Reformation as an English triumph over the evil and corrupt Rome, an event inscribed in the Apocalyptic vision of a universal history, and which was prefigured in King John`s struggle to protect English independence from papal control and invasion in the thirteenth century. Bale`s reading goes a long way toward the creation of the myth of the Protestant England as the elect nation persecuted by an army of Antichrists. Catholic Spain and its threats to England were interpreted within the framework of this narrative of the elect nation. Spain became the chief target of the English Anticatholic campaign, and Anticatholicism interchangeable with Anti-Hispanism. The twin themes of the elect nation and Anticatholicism/Anti-Hispanism, born in response to the Reformation, proved to be the major impetus in the inception of English Renaissance drama and its development after King Johan. The project of rewriting the history of the Protestant England as G nation initiated by Bale continued in the harrowing years of the reign Mary. The Geneva Bible and Foxe`s Book of the 1ar`tyrs, both begun, and completed, in exile on the continent, are the culminating expressions o themes of the elect nation and Anticatholicism/Anti-Hispanism. And, as s set the ideological context of the plays staged in England at every cr in the Anglo-Hispanic relationship during the period between 1558 an Thomas Kyd`s Spanish Tragedy, the work that opened a long and brilliant of the revenge play in the English literary Renaissance, for example, c as a response to the threat of an imminent invasion by the Spanish Ar the 1580`s. Shakespeare`s Henry VIII can also be read as a response to explosion of Anti-Hispanism triggered by the sudden death of Prince champion of the international Protestant alliance against Spain, and th a second invasion of the Spanish Armada. In this work, Shakespeare directly to the originary moments of the English Reformation, pro remarkably balanced analysis of the forces, both political and personal, that impelled Henry VIII to what amounted to a radical reformation of the church. Henry VIII as such, affords an illuminating commentary on the Anticatholicism/ Anti-Hispanism that played a decisive role in the shaping of English national identity in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Calderon`s La cisma de Inglaterra, written in the early years of t when the projected match between Prince Charles and lnfanta Maria England into yet another bout of Anti-Hispanic hysteria, provides an glimpse at Spanish reactions to the English Reformation. Calderon t national drama of the English Reformation into the personal tragedy VIII, placing his attention squarely on the personal motives behind He divorce from Catherine, and his eventual rebellion against the Roman Church and papal authority. In his hand, Henry VIII becomes an Everyman from the grace of God, seduced by the devil in the beautiful shape Boleyn, and England a victim led astray by such a king: England is an o pity rather than of hate. Calderon`s play shows in little the chie between Catholic Spain and Protestant England in regarding the English tion. Whatever the Spanish felt about England, very little of it seem added up to anything comparable to the Anti-Hispanism of the English virulence and its significance in the shaping of national identity. continued to dream their imperial dream of the dominus mundi, little per the real power of the island country`s Anti-Hispanism so unmistakably strated in the defeat of their Armada in 1588.

스페인어 권 문학과 영미문학의 상호 영향과 수용에 대한 비교문학적 접근의 의의

김춘진 ( Choon Jin Kim )
서울대학교 인문학연구원|인문논총  45권 0호, 2001 pp. 119-144 ( 총 26 pages)
Este es un trabajo comparatista que pretende historiar el entrecruzami diferentes literaturas de dos lenguas, el ingles y el espaflol, entre espaflola y la inglesa por una parte, y par otra, entre la hispanoameri americana. Me he centrado principalmente en los impactos de la 1 espanola e hispanoamericana en la inglesa y la americana, suponiendo influjo de la literatura perifflrica en la centrica es mfls facil discer caso inverso. Este estudio comparatista parte de una perspectiva tradi llega a una reflexion sobre la validez de ese tipo de estudios compar nuestra era globalizante del mundo. Antes dominaba una perspectiva comparatista que se enfocaba en los hec influjos y causas de otras literaturas en una literatura, por lo cu inevitablemente a inculcar una ideologla nacionalista. Par ejemplo, los los criticos franceses e ingleses se centraron en reducir las aportacio espaflol del Siglo de oro en sus literaturas mas que descubrir y ca objetivamente. Ahora esa ganando terreno otra perspectiva mas amplia concepto del Weltliteratur que viene de la epoca de Goethe y esta crist cada vez mas en el mundo actual. La postura nacionalista, especialment crfticos franceses, fueron atacados par los americanos que no quieren distincion entre la litetatura nacional y la comparatista siguiendo persepctiva de la literatura global. La postura de los criticos nor tienden a implicar un pluralismo cultural en vez de un rigido nacional embargo esta misma postura de los norteamericanos no tiene que ser librIgidez ideolflgica. Lieva en si implicitamente una ideolgia de un paorienta hacia el imperialismo a traves del dominio informativo y tecnologico a escala mundial. El pluralismo de la critica comparatista de los norteamericanos desarma el nacionalismo de cada literatura particular para englobarlo todo en un Wetliteratur reproduciendolo como nuevo producto comercializable para su interes. Naturalmente no tenemos que desatender la revolucion critica de nuest Nuevo Milenio. Estamos viviendo en un nuevo perlodo en que Ia sinrazon pathos se precia tanto como la razon, recalcando mas la creatividad imaginacion que el orden y la estabilidad. En esta era informativa pos en que se va demoliendo los valores locales y nacionales para integrar sistema global, paradojicaniente necesitamos cada vez mas el esfuerzo pa la identidad de cada entidad cultural de las naciones y region entendimiento mutuo y comparatista de las diferentes culturas y liter ganar mayor rendimiento de nuestra imaginacion creativa. Buen ejemplo estudio del impacto de Borges en la literatura norteamericana que ha mo posibilidad globalizadora y la iniaginacion universalizadora de una particular. Otro buen ejemplo es lo que Shakespeare tomo del teatro es Siglo de Oro. De suerte que mas alla de una mera comparacion de inf mutuos el estudio comparativo de la literatura tiene que tender su conc una literatura global o, mas bien hacia la literatura propiamente dich Borges lo ha previsto como una utopIa totalitaria en su `Biblioteca de existe ab aeterno y contiene "todo lo que es dable expresar en to idiomas." Una observacion final: en cualquier caso no tenenios que olvidar que t estudios comparativos y sus metodologas no pueden evitar implicacion logicas. ,No lo es el caso de Borges que, siendo escritor arge hispanoairieriano, se ha convertido por los criticos principalmente norte en un paladin del postmodernismo de ideo1oga americanaa AsI el estar alerta intelectualniente es una fornia de maxinlizar nuestra capacidad iniag creativa, cualidad esta que se exige ms que nunca en nuestro mundo globalizante y en nuestra epoca inforniativa y postindustrial.

요규 소라이(荻生조來)의 "도(道)" 이해와 성인론 -에도(江戶) 유학에서 반주자학적(反朱子學的) 은유(恩惟)의 한 양상-

금장태 ( Jang Tae Keum ) , 이용주 ( Yong Ju Lee )
서울대학교 인문학연구원|인문논총  45권 0호, 2001 pp. 145-169 ( 총 25 pages)
Ogyu Sorai(1666-1728), one of the representatives of ``Ancient Lear Tokugawa Japan was a confucian scholar active one generation after Ito J his primal writing "Benmei(Declaration of the Right and wrong)" wri classical Chinese, he criticised Zhuxi`s metaphysical internalism by creative interpretations to some basic Confucian concepts. He concer about the linguistic aspects of ancient texts. As he raised serious Zhuxi`s attitude of interpretation with his linguistic knowledge i classics, his scholarship got the name of Kobunjikaku, Studies of Incie and Literature. Sorai`s Kobunjikaku starts from the premises that man i being with compassions to help each other. In that respect, Sara Mencius`s theory of Good Nature. Sorai believes that Sage Kings in antiquity established the way(dao) and led the people to practice bene concrete social contexts. He insisted that the very contents of the wa Kings is nothing other than ``Ritual, Music, Law, and Institutions``. ``Ri Law, and Institutions`` is equal to political systems which control the whole. In the respect that he assumes that contemporary national i embody the hay of Sage Kings, it can be said that he accepted Xunzi`s p realism. Sorai constructed his system of thought based on political realism, a ground he rejected Zhuxi`s ideas on sagehood and internal moralism argued that one can attain the state of the Sage by learning and pract was the result of his internal moralism. But Sorai criticised Zhuxi` becoming sage through learning and moral self-cultivation. Instead, Sora the view that modern scholars have to learn the teaching of ancient Sages. But he rejected the idea of becoming a Sage by learning. His view was a logical conclusion from his definition on Sage Kings. Sorai defined the Sage as Creators of Ancient Culture. As Creators of Culture, Sages must be Kings of Ancient China. Only one exception was Confucius. So the aim of Confucian studies is not to become a Sage but to learn and try to embody the Culture and the Way created by Sages. Confucian scholars of the Song China defined Sage as a man of perfect Virture, so they considered that one can attain sagehood through moral cultivation. Sorai thought that their ideas of becoming sagehood catne from misunderstanging of the meaning of the way of Sages. To Sorai, Sage is not an object to be attained but an object of worship. Sage has perfect Virture. His perfect Virture has a divine quality. With that divine quality, Sage makes the communication between Heaven and Ian possible. Sorai worshiped Confucius as a Sage even though he was not a ruler King. Confucius, according to Sorai, was a embodied perfect Virture, and He played the role of Creator of Culture by synthesising and transmitting ancient way(=Ritua1s and Music), must had been disappered without Him. The Way Confucius transmitted was the Way of pacifing people`s life. Because the very nature of Sage`s ay was making people`s life peaceful, Confucius`s merit to transmit the Way was equal to the Creator of it. Sorai wrote Rongocho to clarify the divine merit of Confucius by repulsing Zhuxi`s moralistically biased interpretation on Confucian Analects.

신유학의 현실문제 인식 -격물론,귀신론,재이론을 중심으로-

허남진 , 박성규
서울대학교 인문학연구원|인문논총  45권 0호, 2001 pp. 171-202 ( 총 32 pages)
近年來,儒學與現實認識方法,非常惹起東西學者的關心.本篇是關於這種主題 提出一意見.本篇的主要內容是如下. 在序論,說明先秦時代儒家三聖孔孟苟的重要哲學思想也出發於現實問題,諭究 現質問題,歸結於現質問題. 在本論,分段兩個部分.第一,說明朱子性理學(新儒學)的現實問題認識.性理 的學問方法諭的中心是格物致知諭.朱子的格物致知論引起後代的紛紛議論.他的 格物諭是他的哲學思想的核心吉盼.他的格物論也出發於佛敎批判.要批判佛敎 須要批判佛敎的頓悟成佛的學問方法論.從此成立儒學的學問方法論,乃才割勿致知 論.在性理學的鬼神論也,出發於現實批判意識."鬼神造化之跡也"與"鬼神二氣之 良能也"二語,是性理學的鬼神觀的核心.他們說明種種造化現象全體是鬼神之跡 所以他們主張佛敎與民間所謂鬼神不存在. 第二,說明災異論的政治理念與現實批判.災異諭是在絶對君主治下時代的産物 災異諭主張政治的興亡盛衰左右於君主的有德與否.在災異論的說明構造下,臣下 們可以批判君主的失政.后來科學的事實之發見,證明災異論的主張的虛構性.不 過封建社會的中國與朝鮮的性理學的知識人,不廢棄災異論的政治理念.因爲他們 願望,借災異諭的權威而批判君主的獨走.本篇討論朝鮮性理學者栗谷李珊的「天 道策J,以說明災異論的政治理念與其中的現實批判意識. 在結論,表明現在學者的觀心.在現實問題認識,儒學的學問方法仍是限重要.

송대 이학(理學)의 예술,미학사상

박낙규 ( Nak Kyu Park ) , 서진희 ( Jin He Seo )
서울대학교 인문학연구원|인문논총  45권 0호, 2001 pp. 203-227 ( 총 25 pages)
It is said that Confucianism ruled almost all fields of traditional C and chinese art theory was not an exception of it. A new form of Confuc(Neo-Confucianism) was built in Sung dynasty and its influence on ar was the same as before. Traditionally, Confucianism had a negative pe about art. It was because art interfered with the cultivation of pers essay will inquire into a possibility of affirmative viewpoint of art such a characteristic of Confucianism especially Neo-Confucianism dynasty. In Sung dynasty the most eminent art theorist was Su Shi(蘇軾), main stream of Confucianism in Sung dynasty was that of from Zhou Dun Yi(敦?) to Zhu Xi(朱熹) and it was Sung-Ming Li-Xue(宋明理學) that led Ch culture in general after Sung dynasty. Therefore, though art theory dynasty was influenced by Su Shi, it was within the boundary offe Neo-Confucianists. The examples of the art theory of Li-Xue were "wen Yi Zai Dao"(文以? Art is the means of transferring Dao) and "wan u Sang Zhi"(玩物喪志: B indulged in exterior things makes one lose his intention). It is certa assertions played a negative role in art and art theory at that time factors of Li-Xue, for example "Tian Ren He Yi"(天人合一), became foundation of the later art theory. It is a matter of course that Li-Xu persist throughout later ages, and the reason was the self-contradictor -the relation of nature(性), sentiment(情) and mind(心). A new trend o art theory in later ages could emerge by breakthrough of the contradicto In conclusion, Li-Xue in Sung Dynasty had influence on art and art thlater ages in different ways. On the one hand it had a negative influence on art and art theory in that ignored the value of art itself. On the other hand, it presented the value that art should pursue such as Dao, Tian Ren He Yi, etc. Furthermore, decisively it offered the bases of possibility and limit of chinese art and art theory at that time and of later ages. Therefore, it is necessary to grasp the art theory of Li Xue to understand the chinese art and art theory. It is in this that the aesthetic significance of Li Xue in Sung Dynasty lies.

“진신(眞身)”에 관하여

이주형 ( Ju Hyung Rhi )
서울대학교 인문학연구원|인문논총  45권 0호, 2001 pp. 227-261 ( 총 35 pages)
The word zhenshen, which literally means "true body," is occasionall frequently-met in Buddhist literature. At first glance its meaning straightforward, possibly equatable with dharmakaya, because the chara was commonly used in Chinese Buddhist vocabulary in such words as zh (paramarthasatya), zhenruo (tathata) and zhenshi (tathatva or tattva), the connotation of the ultimateness. But its actual usage is more co multifarious, as we see for instance in such expressions as zhens (zhenshen relics) and zhenshen shijia (sakyamuni of-or as-zhenshen paper examines the usage and diverse significances of zhenshen in Buddhist literature. An overview of various works in the Chinese Buddhist canon reveal dominant usages of zhenshen: 1) one as a term related to the theory Buddha`s body, and 2) one as an epithet for sheli, physical remain Buddha or a saint. In the first usage, it first appears in the Daji Chengshi lun translated by Kumara.jiva (early 4th century) among extant translations of Buddhist scriptures from Sanskrit. In these texts it contrast with huashen, apparently indicating nirmanakaya, and seems to h a substitute for dharmakaya in the twofold body system, more ordinarily as fashen or faxingshen, particularly in the Dajidu Jun. A similar usag in other texts such as Hebu jin`guangming jing (by Jna.nayaas), Jin`g zuishengwang jing (by Yijing), Daban nieban jing (by Dharmaksema), Huayen (by iksananda) and Shu wujiu cheng jing (by `uanzang). In the She da Jun (by Buddhasena) and a few other texts, however, zhenshen appears i of dharmakaya in the threefold-body system against baoshen and yingshen. This usage was followed by Chinese commentators, and thus as early as Baoliang cites Shengliang`s remarks on twofold bodies, zhenshen and yin his Daban nieban jing jijie. But a more remarkable opinion, which seems exerted profound influence on the understanding of this concept amo Chinese, was expressed by Huiyuan of Sui (523-92). In his Dasheng yi where he most elaborately expounds his ideas, Huiyuan, citing the Jin`g jing, defines zhenshen as combining both fashen and baoshen in cont yingshen in the threefold-body system. The account of Jin`gungming Paramrtha Huiyuan cites actually does not refer to the word zhenshen relevant context, nor does the sutra itself seem to deliver a concept s Thus this definition seems more likely Huiyuan`s own interpretation. A is not clear that such interpretation was initiated by Huiyuan, it se been fairly well known in the Buddhist scholarly circle by the end of century. A slightly younger contemporary of Huiyuan, the Tiandai mast who would have been most influential in the contemporaneous Buddhist seems to have understood the term in a similar sense. The Vijaaptimatr Kuiji`s account is quite similar to Huiyuan`s even in vocabulary. How understanding of zhenshen in the sense closer to the dharinakaya in th twofold―body system seems to have persisted as well, as we see in the Jizang. Chengguan of the Avatanbaka school offers a slightly differen with an alternative definition of zhenshen as dharmakaya in the thre system. Besides, zhenshen was occasionally used for sakyamuni Buddha-would be normally regarded as nirmanakaya-in contrast to nirmana bu magically created by akyamuni himself or simply in the meaning of body." The earliest appearance of the second usage, which equates zhensh relics, is found in the Jin`guangming jing translated by Dharmaksema dearly fifth century. In comparison with the particular passage with the equivalent parts in other translations, it is evident that the Sanskrit original contained no word in any .way connectable to zhenshen, which was simply an insertion by Dharmaksema and his assistants. Zhenshen in this context seems to have been used as an honorific prefix to sheli with the assertion of its authenticity, while it was also commonly used without sheli as a substitute for the latter. This usagn, however, is quite rarely met in translations of Indian texts or Chinese Buddhist literature until the tenth century, when it seems to have been firmly established as we witness in the Zudang ji, the Song Gaoseng zhuan and later on in the Fozu tongji. By this time we begin to see another-but related-usage, in which zhenshen designates a mummified portrait of monks. The present author, being an art historian, attempted to examine the concept of zhenshen for its possible ramifications in Buddhist art ordinarily understood as a term combining dharmakaya and sambhogakaya i threefold-body system could have been quite useful and even favorable Buddhist imagery in that it does not reject the ultimate significance forms unlike the more strict and abstract dharmakaya. Its true significa discussion of Buddhist art would have to be answered in further detail explorations.