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논문검색은 역시 페이퍼서치


Seoul National University the Journal of Humanites

  • - 주제 : 인문과학분야 > 기타(인문과학)
  • - 성격 : 학술지
  • - 간기: 계간
  • - 국내 등재 : KCI 등재
  • - 해외 등재 : -
  • - ISSN : 1598-3021
  • - 간행물명 변경 사항 :
수록 범위 : 70권 0호 (2013)

조선의 건륭 칠순 진하특사와『열하일기』

구범진 ( Bum Jin Koo )
In 1780 a Choson embassy led by Pak Myongwon was invited to visit Chengde, or Yorha, and honor Qianlong`s seventy-sui birthday. A detailed record of this embassy is provided in Pak Chiwon`s Yorha ilgi, where Pak describes the encounter between the Choson emissaries and the Panchen Lama in great detail. To date, Pak`s Yorha ilgi has been read as a faithful historical record and a disinterested account of the Choson emissaries` experiences in Chengde. However, when we compare Pak`s account with various other historical records of his time, it becomes clear that Yorha ilgi is far from an objective account. The famous account of the statues of Buddha is a case in point. Pak Myongwon and his fellow emissaries received the statues from the Panchen Lama as gifts. They interpreted the statues as gifts given upon Qianlong`s orders. Consequently, they decided to carry them all the way back to Choson where they were severely criticized for violating the strict Neo-Confucian injunctions against Buddhism. Pak`s Yorha ilgi was written in defense of Pak Myongwon`s actions in the face of this political criticism. In Yorha ilgi, Pak argues that the encounter with the Panchen Lama took place under circumstances far beyond Pak Myongwon`s control. A close reading of Yorha ilgi alongside other historical documents reveals that Pak Chiwon deliberately blurs the line between eyewitness account and second-hand report by leading his readers to confuse the date of a significant event in which Qianlong met the Panchen Lama in public. As a minor figure who was not endowed with diplomatic powers, Pak Chiwon was absent from many of the events he reported on. Yorha ilgi should not be read at face value, as if it were an objective historical record, but in historical context alongside other historical documents.

『맹자』 3.2에 대한 고찰 -고자의 부동심에 대한 논란을 중심으로-

장원태 ( Won Tae Chang )
The interpretations of Gaozi告子`s Unmoved Mind不動心can be classified into three kinds. (1) The interpretation of ZhaoQi趙岐and SunShi孫 奭, (2) the interpretation of ZhuXi朱熹and of followers of ZhuXi, and (3) the interpretation of LiuJiuyuan陸九淵and of followers of LiuJiuyuan. In the interpretation of ZhaoQi and SunShi, the earliest of these, there are many problems for coherently understanding Mengzi 3.2, so after the Song Dynasty, followers of their interpretations were rare. The interpretations, among these three, influential up to the present are (2) and (3). (2) ZhuXi and the commentators who were influenced by him regarded Gaozi as a Taoist or a thinker who had a similar opinion to the Taoists. According to their interpretations, Gaozi succeeded in mind being unmoved by keeping mind from the influence of yan言and qi氣. On the contrary, Mengzi approached this problem with an active attitude, and he thought that mind can be lead to the state of being unmoved with help of zhiyan知言and yangqi養氣. (3) LiuJiuyuan and the commentators who were influenced by him regarded Gaozi as a Mohist or a thinker who had a similar opinion to the Mohists or Xunzi implicitly. According to them, Gaozi thought that one can succeed in mind being unmoved by bringing principles or doctrines contained in yan into mind. Contrary to Gaozi, Mengzi thought that mind is the only source of ethical principles, so one could make his/her mind unmoved by focusing on mind. In (2)`s point of view, Gaozi was a thinker who focused on mind. However, in (3)`s point of view, Gaozi was a thinker who focused on yan. From these opposite interpretations, one things we can recognize is that each interpretation aims at the other. Thinkers and commentators who follow (2) see thinkers and commentators who follow (3) as Gaozi`s successors, and vice versa.

중국 고대사회의 시간활용

서울대학교 인문학연구원|인문논총  70권 0호, 2013 pp. 103-144 ( 총 42 pages)
本文主要推定在中國古代,雖然貫徹了統壹的十二時制或十六時制,但在多元的生活領域却有不同的時間觀念和分割時間的方式,可以考證此種推定的領域有文書行政、農業活動、祭祀與儀禮,以及醫療活動等,竝且針對這些領域中具體的時間活用和事例進行比較分析. 古代中國的文書行政中,構建了將壹天分爲半日、或是三分爲1/3日,竝且記錄時刻和分單位等詳細時間的高效率計時行政. 由于重視行政處理的速度,所以不得不關注時間的精密度和准確性. 령外,上計文書的編寫等過程中還包含整理完成壹年的業務這壹意義,以此表示歲終,重視年單位的終點. 反面,雖然在行政上竝不是沒有隨著季節變化而産生的勞動力變化,但其竝不占흔大比重. 除農業活動、祭祀儀禮、醫療活動等文書行政以外的領域中,四季是最爲重要的標准. 因爲,季節變化就是意味著會導致某種行爲的發生. 對于試圖與自然規律相壹致,順應時間順序的古代人來說,四季便是絶對的標准. 農業活動中,除季節以外,月令、節氣也占據不小的比重;醫療活動中主要活用根據五行、八卦區分開來的五分法或是八分法的時間分割法,以及隨著疾病的次等進行時間分割的方法. 在這兩個領域是比較符合時間的循環和反複,卽周期性這壹特征的領域. 但是,祭祀和儀禮中,元會儀或是告朔會强調如同朔日等時間單位的初始點,又或是重視晝夜的初始點等陰陽交替的特定時間點,如同像上辛日,在特定的時間點賦予齋戒、自新等意義. 像這種與帝國內部統壹的時制無關的古代社會的各個活動領域的實際生活中,會反映出各自不同的時間觀念和時間的活用. 령外,有關時間活用的差異比較顯著的其他領域,卽除上述四個領域以外,還有占蔔這壹領域. 由于占蔔是基于時間和空間的選擇法而進行的,占術家們的時間觀念和活用也極爲重要. 這也是本文日後需要補充的部分.
The occurrence of the Buddhist wonder, a small flower called ‘u-dam- ba-ra’(우담바라), which seats itself on unimaginable places, such as a stony or metallic surface or even the finger of a Buddhist monk, has long caught the public`s attention. The Korean u-dam-ba-ra is not a flower but, in fact, the small eggs of the green lacewing(Chrysopa intima MacLachlan) which hangs in the air from silk stalks. An attempt is made in this article to clarify the historical origin of this belief in the Buddhist wonder embodied in the misunderstood insect eggs. The historical origin of this miraculous Buddhist flower is a species of Indian fig tree, namely udumbara(Ficus racemosa Linn). The mystification of the Indian udumbara flower already happened in the Buddhist traditions of India itself, but the misconception of the green lacewing eggs for the udumbara flower seems to have been formed in East Asia. The complex biological, ecological and religious contexts of the multilayered mystification of an Indian fig tree into the far eastern youtanbaluo(優曇跋羅) are surveyed on the basis of Indian original text materials. The botanical peculiarities of the Indian udumbara reserving the status of the symbol for the vitality and fertility was already recognized in the Vedic traditions of ancient India. Later in the early Indian Buddhist traditions, the image of the udumbara was shifted from that of their impossibility to that of their rareness. This is basically due to the fact that fig flowers are kept inside the syconium, the result of which the flowers are not visible at all from the outside, and the ‘(false-)fruits’ are grown up on the trees. Such an extraordinary impression is reflected in the Chinese name of the fig fruit, i.e. wuhuaguo(無花果, the fruit without flower). Additional botanical and partly relevant zoological features of Indian udumbara, such as the pollination by specified fig wasps, were taken into consideration to give an answer for the question of why the udumbara alone out of the numerous fig tree species in India was elevated to the symbolic status of rareness meaning the immeasurably high value justly comparable to the appearance of the Buddha in this world.
本稿は、日本古典テキストにおける前近代日本の「産穢」之「女性の穢れ」の淵源之その變容について考察した論である. 前近代日本において出産は、『古事記』における伊邪那岐命之伊邪那美命の結婚·出産神話から讀み取られるように、も之も之神たちが地上世界を創造する聖なる手段之して認識された行爲であった. このような見方は、『古事記』における實際の出産之關わる場面に表れた「産屋」の分析からも確認できる. 出産行爲は地上世界を創造した行爲之同じく、生命を創造する聖なる行爲であったのである. このような出産の意味が時代の流れ之共に、不淨な行爲、忌諱すべき行爲、齋戒すべき行爲之して「産穢」に變容されていく. このような出産の意味の變容は、次第に聖なる空間之不淨な空間之いう相反する意味を持つようになる「産屋」の含意からも確認できる. 産穢の形成は血穢之結び付くこ之によって成された之いう見解もあるが、遡及的に血穢之結び付くこ之にはなるものの、本來産穢之は、840年成立の『弘仁式』を繼承した『延喜式』「臨時祭」などからも確認できるように、死穢之對比され形成されたように考えられる. 死を出産之關わらせるこのような見方は、古代の出産が死を招く可能性の大きい行爲之して死之隣り合わせであったためである之思われる. 火の神を産んだために死を迎えた伊邪那美命の死からは、「出産=死」の構圖が讀み取られるのであり、彼女の後を追って黃泉の國に行ってきた伊邪那岐命の설の場面に連想される死穢からも讀み取られるように、産穢は出産時實際的に伴った死を背景に死穢之對比されつつ形成された之言えよう. 出産後七日間は愼むべきである之いう禁忌は、『今昔物語集』所收の說話から12世紀前半以前には旣に庶民たちの日常生活においても共有されていた之思われる. 壹方、女性の月事に代表される血穢は、伊勢神宮之賀茂神社の祭祀を未婚の齋宮之齋院が主宰するようになったこ之をきっかけに形成されたこ之からも分かるように、神事儀式之密接に關わって形成され、『청령日記』などの記述からも確認できるようにまもなく佛事においても忌諱されるようになる. 之ころで、産穢之血穢が結び付き「女性の穢れ」に定著されていく過程には、中國の醫書に代表される東アジア文化の影響もまた指摘できる. 例えば、10世紀末成立した日本最初の醫書である『醫心方』における、出産後下り物が出る間は依然之して穢れの狀態なので愼むべきである之いう記述などがその例である. 要するに、前近代日本において「女性の穢れ」の形成には、日本內在的な要因之共に、東アジア文化の影響もまた看過できない之いうこ之である. その後、月經や出産時の出血に代表される血穢之産穢之が結び付き、出産之月經の主體である女性壹般を不淨視する「女性の穢れ」は、女性の身體を男性の煩腦を促すもの之して不淨視する佛敎淨穢思想、血盆經信仰之も結び付き、恒常的な「女性の穢れ」に擴大されていく. 江戶時代に至っては儒敎的な女性敎訓書にも收められ女性敎育に用いられ、男性中心的な社會體制の中で女性の從屬性を强化する契機之しても동く. なお、このような「女性の穢れ」は前近代日本社會の中で天皇を中心之する男性中心社會を强固に維持するためには欠かせない機制之して機能しつつ、時代之共に變容してきた之も思われる. 今後、前近代韓國の出産文化之産穢、女性の穢れなど之の對比硏究を深め、東アジア文化圈の中で形成されたジェンダ一之いう觀點から、韓日の女性文化を眺望するこ之ができれば之思う.

「가현산곡」(歌絃山曲)의 김포 은거(隱居) 형상 고찰

전재진 ( Jae Jin Jeon )
서울대학교 인문학연구원|인문논총  70권 0호, 2013 pp. 217-256 ( 총 40 pages)
This essay was about “Gahyunsangok”(Song of Gahyun Mountain) that is included in Gobiyougo, a manuscript in the collection of Dankook University Museum. Although little is known about the author or the time that the song was created, we can surmise that it is a record of Joseon nobility, through the evidence of the custom in which descendants wrote down their ancestor`s biographies. The ‘Song of Gahyun Mountain’ appears to have a particularly close relation to Sangchon Sin Heum who was a government official and famous poet. He was a minister during King Seonjo`s reign and he was given the order to protect Prince Youngchang after the death of King Seonjo. But Prince Gwanghae who was step-brother to Youngchang became king and Sinheum was ousted from officialdom for his actions of protecting Prince Youngchang. He went back to the area of his ancestor`s tomb after being expelled from officialdom and his main concern became the Book of Changes for living in Gahyun Mountain. His attitude towards life was to know the order of the heavens and to follow it naturally. This special quality of such a life can also be found in the ‘Song of Gahyun Mountain’. The speaker of the poem talks about his free life at Gahyun Mountain and how he was satisfied by himself. In addition, the ‘Song of Gahyun Mountain’ is similar to “Banggahaeng”, a poem by Sin Heum. Especially, the introduction of both works share a common feature, such as the paragraph “small town and sky in Gahyun Mountain...” And there is also the common fact that both the speaker of the poem and Sin Heum have an interest in the Book of Changes, are are concerned not with posterior changes but native changes. This was a special phenomenon in the Joseon period and not common tendency. Such an analysis on the song of Gahyun Mountain presented in this paper will act to compliment and enhance studies on the work of Sin Heum, and the cultural contents of Gimpo, Gyonggi Province.

이광수의 민족개조론 재고

최주한 ( Ju Han Choi )
서울대학교 인문학연구원|인문논총  70권 0호, 2013 pp. 257-295 ( 총 39 pages)
The planning of Lee Kwang-su`s nation reformation was a long-term project which took place under a wide range of conditions. The idea first emerged during his second period of study abroad when he worked at the Joseon Academy. The idea then took on shape when he worked at the Shanghai Provisional Government and was introduced to Dosan`s Heongsadan ideal. After returning home, the idea was reestablished under the stimulus of the Chondogyo cultural movement. The idea was finally made into blue print through the novel “The story of hoesang”. But existing research has only given attention to “The essay of nation reformation”( 1922). Therefore, this article gives attention to the conditions Lee Kwang-su`s project of nation reformation that were present from its inception to established form, to the prospects which he emphasized concerning nation reformation, and to his strategic writing. This article shows that Lee Kwang-su`s long term attention for the nation problem was for the establishment of an independent, universal ethical-national community against the West and Japan`s orientalized information of the Joeson nation.
This article will look at the overall composition of DongMyung, a magazine from the early 1920s and through Sukjun Park Han Yeong`s article from this magazine we will try to find a sketch of the creation of the modern age from a Buddhist perspective. First, we will look at how DongMyung tried to establish the state of the 1920s and how it distinguished the changes that occurred from five perspectives: the people, origination, current affairs, new knowledge, and literature. Through this we can see that while the 1920s introduction of ethics and the study of the reconstruction of humanity was popular and the inflow of socialism was vigorous, DongMyung handled articles about the tendencies of that time. The concept of the magazine was affected by Sukjun`s article of his Buddhist view of the world. Taking lead of the current flow of the time, magazines tried to take in new knowledge and new culture as a medium, and Sukjun`s thorough Buddhist view of the world as a writer was characteristic as well as having the reader being irrelevant to a certain color of any religion. This composition was hard to see in any other magazine. We can guess the possibility of the magazine`s viewpoint by showing modernization from a perspective different to that of the universal perception of the time. In this perspective Sukjun states that through introspection with the foundation of the Buddhist speculation system we can take action against modernization. Furthermore, he states that it is an indicator of ‘how we should live’. He criticizes and warns against modernism as well as acceptance of it. This action of maintaining the position of a Buddhist and independently accepting modernism shows an aspect of his character.

이상과 다자이 오사무의 동반자살 모티프 연구

고현혜 ( Hyeon Hye Go )
서울대학교 인문학연구원|인문논총  70권 0호, 2013 pp. 325-380 ( 총 56 pages)
The double suicide motifs that appear in the works of Lee Sang and Dazai Osamu can be understood as a succession to the double suicide motif used by Akutagawa Ryonosuke. Akutagawa, Dazai, and Lee Sang`s motif of the double suicide of love and death can be seen simply as a the result of love affairs; they reflect much of the era and of the political, social and cultural realities faced by the people of the times and in this sense are a modern reflection of the landscape. The double suicide motifs were differently developed by each author according to their own life situation and experiences and according to the inner urge to visualize literary motifs of double suicide based on and by oneself, again looking objectively at real places located to experience the structure. In addition, the double suicide motifs reflect the landscape of modern Japan and Korea, as well as Akutagawa, Dazai, and Lee Sang`s criticism of their own initiative in the creative acts of life by horns and confusion, which was ultimately based on the tool of reflection. Akutagawa`s spiritual expression of criticism about the double-suicide motif was further materialized or supplemented by Dazai and Lee Sang; both commonly adopted the motif but each developed it in their own way. Dazai`s ‘caricaturized motif’ was achieved by complementing and refining Akutagawa`s spiritual double suicide motif. Lee Sang`s ‘sacrosanct motif’ was developed through the combination of the former two motifs. Therefore, it still remains within the influence sphere of aesthetics of Akutagawa`s motifs.
The major place for inspection (sightseeing) for Joseon people in the Japanese Colonial Era was ‘The mainland, Japan’. Parties joining in inspection visits focused on strong ties with Japan and felt a sense of belonging for ‘Japanese things’ rather than ‘Korean things.’ While touring, they discovered Japan and became imprinted with the power and status of Japan. In 1920, a new place of inspection emerged which was ‘Colonized Taiwan.’ To show off the colonization model of Japan that was Taiwan both locally and internationally, the Japanese Government General of Taiwan held a fair to celebrate the 20th anniversary of administration in 1916. With this event, the Koreans began to inspect Taiwan in earnest. In the cultural governance era, the inspectorate consisted of Japanese senior government officers and some Koreans who cooperated with them. The top officers in the Japanese Government General reviewed the performances of Taiwan critically, which was 15 years ahead of Joseon, and examined the feasibility of colonization in Joseon based on these accomplishments. They checked the superiority of the colonized countries and tried to find methods of management in the Colonial Era, to seek ways of smoothly assimilating the Koreans into Japan. On the other hand, the Koreans in the inspection team had similar identities with the Japanese but they were eager to be Japanized more than anyone else. In addition, they compared the fulfillment of Taiwan with Korean`s deficiency and inferiority, and stressed that the Joseon which lagged behind had to learn from Taiwan. They considered that ‘their tradition’ was the reason of the absence of the Japanese cultures that Taiwan had, and agreed with assimilation and enlightenment. In their inspection reports, the official and personal reviews were mixed. In writing reports, the Japanese concentrated on the assimilation of the colonized countries and Japanese imperialism represented by ‘the Mainland Extension Policy’. On the contrary, Korean inspectors tried to stress the importance of Japanese ruling for modern enlightenment as well as the appropriateness of assimilation, ‘expression of cooperation’ and ‘logics of self-denial’. For Japan, both Korea and Taiwan were ‘the incomplete examples of colonization’ and the places where the experiences in each country could be shared to expand Japanese imperialism.
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