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논문검색은 역시 페이퍼서치

동남아시아연구검색

The Southeast Asian Review


  • - 주제 : 사회과학분야 > 인문지리
  • - 성격 : 학술지
  • - 간기: 계간
  • - 국내 등재 : KCI 등재
  • - 해외 등재 : -
  • - ISSN : 1229-6899
  • - 간행물명 변경 사항 :
논문제목
수록 범위 : 11권 0호 (2001)

특집 - 이슬람과 동남아시아 : 현대 말레이시아 이슬람부흥운동의 문화적 의미

홍석준(Seok Joon Hong)
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  11권 0호, 2001 pp. 1-27 ( 총 27 pages)
6,700
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This paper intends to understand the characteristics of Islamic Revivalism, Islamization and its cultural meanings in Contemporary Malaysia. It focuses on the change of the characteristic of the Malay Islam and society. It draws the attention to the characteristics of Islamization in Malay society and its change in the Islamic doctrines and principles, and reveals the cultural meanings of Islamic Revivalism in Contemporary Malaysia. The spread of Islamic Revivalism has been happened dramatically since the early 1970s, when the Islamic revival movement begins with the enormous change of the Malay society and culture. Islam has been a dominant feature of religious and everyday life in the Malays which have been influenced by the various and complex processes of Islamic Revivalism which was symbolized by the emergence of `dakwah(originally calling Islam in Malay) movement. The dakwah movement aimed to propagate Islamic principles and values to Malay muslims. It was in this context that Islamization has been accelerated in Malaysia with an increasing political and cultural significance. Now it becomes one of the most important decisive factors on the direction and scope of cultural changes in Malaysia. As I showed that according to the development of Islamization processes, in many cases, for example, the case of Islamic discourse on Malay Muslim women, Anwar episode, and Islamic discourse on political arena, the binary opposition or conflict between UMNO and PAS among the Malays have been intensified. Most Malays have split into two political factions in conflict with each other. And the process of Islamization had contributed to the extension of the Islamic norms and principles. The different interpretation or understanding of Islamic principles and norms among the Malays has an impact on intensification of political opposition between them. Nowadays, it is difficult to predict what the Malay Islam in Contemporary Malaysia should be in the near future. However, it seems that the process of Islamization in Malaysia is toward the intensification of the Islamic principles and values by the ulama and religious intellectuals, but the characteristics of Islam in Malaysia is changed by the political, economic, socio-cultural change of Malay society and Malays` attitude and value on Islam.
6,300
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This paper investigates two major frameworks proposed by the media and political and religious leaders to interpret recent Muslim-Christian clashes in Maluku. One de-emphasizes religious aspects in the clashes and explains these in non-religious terms, while the other stresses religious elements and condemns Christians for their maltreatment of fellow Indonesians. After these two frameworks are examined in the second and third section respectively, the fourth section will look at Islamic development for the last few decades in order to place the religious war theory into socio-religious perspective. With this, I will argue that the recent surge of the religious war theory in public discourses is in line with and is an expression of changes in Indonesian Muslim community. Seen from this perspective, peace and harmony among followers of different religions in Indonesia cannot be achieved by the solidification of democracy or by economic stability, but by continuing efforts to promote mutual understanding and to decrease religious hatred.

특집 - 이슬람과 동남아시아 : 말레이시아 이슬람부흥운동의 정치적 함의

이경찬(Kyung Chan Lee)
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  11권 0호, 2001 pp. 53-85 ( 총 33 pages)
7,300
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This paper is concerned with the understanding of Islamic revivalism, Islamization and its political implications in Malaysia. Since the mid-1970s Malaysia has experienced progressive Islamization, a process which has picked up significant momentum under the Mahathir administration. The Islamic revivalism movement was symbolized by the emergence of a host of dakwah groups. Most of the dakwah groups were aimed at propagating Islamic fundamentalism to Malay muslims. Many of these groups were avowedly apolitical; nevertheless some of the dakwah themes which emerged had political implications. The government as well as the ruling party, UMNO, were concerned that these dakwah groups if they became too popular, would not only set back governmental development efforts designed to uplift the economic position of the Malays, but also may threaten their political supremacy. All of this made UMNO and the Barisan Nasional government understandably nervous. They responded initially to the threat by making symbolic concessions to Islam. After Mahathir took office as Prime Minister in 1981, however, the government response gradually changed. UMNO leaders apparently decided that the only way to meet the Islamic challenge was with more Islam. It was in this context that Islamization has been accelerated in Malaysia with an increasing political significance. Now it becomes one of the most important decisive factors on the direction and scope of political changes in Malaysia. Despite its increasing speed of Islamization, however, when we consider Malaysia`s multi--ethnic, multi-cultural, multi-linguistic and multi-religious characteristics, prospect for the establishment of Islamic state seems to be rather uncertain.

' 좋은 정부 ' 의 균열 가능성 : 싱가포르의 정치적 소수자

곽재석(Jay Seok Kwak)
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  11권 0호, 2001 pp. 87-113 ( 총 27 pages)
6,700
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Based on the principle of `reciprocity`, this paper is to criticize the politics of Singapore that is regarded as a model of `good government.` The principle of reciprocity here means that a good government should harmonize the interests of the society and individuals and comprise the needs of the socio-political minorities into the coordination of public policy. Under this preposition, I obtain a standard to analyze the social stability and cohesion of Singapore, which is the view of minority politics. My analysis shows that a critical socio-political schism is hidden under the disguise of Singaporean good government, decorated with the banner of `Confucian communitarianism.` I question how this paradox could happen by tracing the origin of the schism facing Singapore. Biased approach for national development, adopted under a monolithic view of cultural pluralism contrasting with the universalism, deprived Singapore government of the opportunity to appreciate the fact that the minority politics might provide the moral ground of governmental legitimacy and enhance the prestige of majority. However, criticism against the pseudo-Confucian communitarianism of Singapore, I think, should not be directed to the abandonment of the Confucian communitarianism itself. Reflexively it is desirable and needful to delvelopment into the philosophy of Confucian reciprocity for modern society. This paper tries to re-valuate the communitarian essence of Confucianism in short. And finally suggesting the principle of `reciprocity as a universal value, this paper measures the level of goodness in Singapore government and seeks ways of improvement.

경제위기 대응의 정치경제 : 태국과 말레이시아의 비교

윤진표(Jin Pyo Yoon),김은영(Eun Young Kim)
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  11권 0호, 2001 pp. 115-152 ( 총 38 pages)
7,800
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N/A

ASEAN 의 대 ASEM 정책과 동아시아 지역협력 전망

양승윤(Seung Yoon Yang)
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  11권 0호, 2001 pp. 153-177 ( 총 25 pages)
6,500
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N/A

동남아시아 국가의 경쟁력에 관한 연구 - 컨테이너 항만 인프라를 중심으로

여기태(Ki Tae Yeo)
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  11권 0호, 2001 pp. 179-203 ( 총 25 pages)
6,500
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As the economic scales and trade volumes in Asia expand, the cargo volumes are rapidly increasing. The annual growth rate of cargo volumes is 5.2 % at Asia-North America run and 11.5% at Asia-Europe run. Within Asian countries, it is also high, 10.6%. Up to present, Asian container ports have been grown 2nd in exports and lst in imports at cargo volumes. Consequently, the competition among Asian countries is posed for revolutionary changes in their cargo volume. To improve their competitive advantages, they are concentrating on investment in their infrastructures on a large-scale. Nevertheless, the effect of cargo infrastructure on the competitiveness in container ports is not well understood. Thus, this paper aims to analyze the relationship between the cargo infrastructure and its competitiveness. To accomplish this, we investigate major container ports in Singapore, Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, and Philippine with the hybrid analysis model of KJ method and AHP (Analytic Hierarchy Process) method. In addition, questionnaire survey was carried out on the specialists to investigate the weights of evaluation variables that explain container port infrastructure. Our empirical study shows that there have some differences in weights of evaluating variables and their competitiveness among container ports.

베트남 파병이 한국경제의 성장과정에 미친 영향

최동주(Dong Ju Choi)
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  11권 0호, 2001 pp. 205-244 ( 총 40 pages)
8,000
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Throughout the Vietnam War period, Korean troop presence in Vietnam played a key role as leverage to obtain every possible economic and military gain from the U.S. Every international issue surrounding Korea was related to the Vietnam War by the Korean government and positively contributed to the increase of Korea`s voice at the negotiation table with the U.S. The Vietnam War affected the entire Korean society in so many ways that everyone`s life was touched at some point if only by the atmosphere it created. For some, the war presented an opportunity for private gains regardless of morality or justification; no qualms intruded upon their actions, and no nagging doubts restrained them. The most significant result of Korea`s engagement in Vietnam was to be found in the economic arena, and other changes in the domestic and international posture of the Park`s administration were largely a corollary of the economic situation. Korea was able to accomplish most of what the new leaders had expected from the war largely due to the U.S. honoring of promises of economic support, which resulted from the Vietnam negotiations, although many security concessions including the military modernization of the Korean forces were not completed on schedule or were postponed until other security issues providing leverage for Korea occurred. In 1970 Senator James Fullbright commented during the "Symington Hearings" on the U.S. security situation overseas that Korea`s involvement in Vietnam hardly seemed such a heroic gesture. Having been informed of Korea`s massive earnings sanctioned by the Brown Memorandum, Fullbright was of the opinion that Korea had been prompted more by profit motives than a sense of self-sacrifice. In fact, Korea had received covert U.S. funding and military assistance in exchange for its military participation in Vietnam. By 1966 Korea`s financial position as provider of troops had strengthened considerably and the Brown Memorandum of March 4 established the arrangement by which America would use Korean troops for the duration of the war. The Koreans had insisted upon the memorandum as a formal guarantee of American payment and assistance for Korean forces. Payments were channelled to the Korean in many different ways, notably through the U.S. AID and by facilitating war profiteering by Korean businessmen. The Korean economic miracle was founded upon its exports and subsidies in excess of $1 billion. Not only did the government benefit but also businesses, contractors, soldiers and a lot of shady operators. In addition to these benefits, largely helped by Vietnam-related public and commercial loans from the U.S., Korea was able to pave the way for the expansion of its industrial infrastructure and promote to develop target and strategic industries such as heavy and chemical industries, which became a core factor of Korea`s economic growth since the end of the Vietnam War. These strategic industries were led by "Vietnam-born" chaebol groups such as Daewoo, Hyundai, and Hanjin because the Korean leadership granted them favours in return for their remarkable achievement in Vietnam during the war period. However, the Korean government`s forcible measure of export promotion to Vietnam with the commodities which Korea did not have the capacity to produce led to the reexport of Japanese semi-finished goods and culminated in the structural dependence of Korea upon imports from Japan in the coming decades and a large trade deficit.

Democracy and Human Rights In Indonesia

(Mohtar Mas Oed)
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  11권 0호, 2001 pp. 245-269 ( 총 25 pages)
6,500
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N/A

경제위기 이후의 아세안과 동아시아 성장 메커니즘

김종길(Jong Kil Kim)
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  11권 0호, 2001 pp. 1-33 ( 총 33 pages)
7,300
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The fundamental question raised in this paper was to answer whether the so called East Asian growth mechanism that had been considered to have explained the growth of ASEAN quite well before the Asian economic crisis, can still have the explanatory power after the crisis and the subsequent economic restructuring. We first looked at various characteristics of East Asian growth mechanism, within the contexts of both internal (in which neo-classical, developmental state. and FDI-led variants were examined) and external models. We then tried to investigate the possible clues of East Asian growth mechanism, which may have contributed to the outbreak of the Asian economic crisis of 1977. One of the lessons we learned from this analysis was that ASEAN economies should lower their dependency upon external economies and watch external sources of distortion more carefully. However, we paid a deeper attention to internal or structural sources of the problem, particularly those of the financial sector. This was carried out by examining the nature and problems of economic restructuring in these economies after the crisis. Finally, we tried to anticipate some future prospects of East Asian growth mechanism in ASEAN which is still in the midst of its restructuring process. We found that East Asian growth mechanism may still be useful in the future growth of ASEAN. But we also noted that the mechanism should be reconstructed in the following two important ways. First, the mechanism should pay a closer attention and incorporate external cooperation as well as internal restructuring of the financial sector of these economies. Second, the role of government in the mechanism should he changed from that of the manager to that of the manager plus umpire for ASEAN.
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