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논문검색은 역시 페이퍼서치

동남아시아연구검색

The Southeast Asian Review


  • - 주제 : 사회과학분야 > 인문지리
  • - 성격 : 학술지
  • - 간기: 계간
  • - 국내 등재 : KCI 등재
  • - 해외 등재 : -
  • - ISSN : 1229-6899
  • - 간행물명 변경 사항 :
논문제목
수록 범위 : 12권 2호 (2002)

동아시아의 경제위기와 발전전략 : 민주주의와 지역협력에 대한 함의

안청시(Chung Si Ahn)
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  12권 2호, 2002 pp. 1-26 ( 총 27 pages)
6,700
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Asian Economic Crisis in the late 1990s renewed debates on the validity and sustainability of the East Asian developmentalist model and authoritarian systems of governance. This paper is a reflective analysis on the linkages among the state, development strategy, domestic governance and foreign policies in East and Southeast Asian nations in the context of the evolving economic crisis. A special attention was given in the process to explore what is the new developmental logic that is required for overcoming the crisis and sustaining long-term economic development and social harmony in Asia. The analysis confirmed that parts of the problems that led several Asian countries to virtual economic meltdowns stemmed from the limits of the East Asian developmental states and attendant policy consequences, although one cannot dismiss other intervening factors such as the changes in external market conditions and geopolitical settings. The analysis also underlined the primacy of deepening democracy and good governance as the keys to the real economic remedies, long-term economic development and social prosperity of the post-crisis Asia. It is premature to say that the post-crisis Asia will abandon the current mode of state-centric neo-Confucian industrialism, and turn to an alternative development paradigm such as the liberal market capitalism. East Asian observers say that the strong state may well remain for long, as the idea is embedded in the centuries-old history and culture of Asia. However, post-crisis states and societies in Asia are being pressed for more democracy and new strategies for balanced national development. In consequences, the developmental states in Asia are called to redefine their roles, conforming to the norms and requirements for strengthening civil society and responding more effectively to citizen initiatives. At the interface of the economic globalization and changed geopolitical settings after the demise of the Cold War, East Asian countries also need to forge a new framework for regional and global cooperation schemes, going beyond the idea of economic nationalism that pits one nation against another. The existing bodies of regional and subregional cooperative arrangements in Asia underpin intra-regional rivalry and competition among major regional powers. Regional cooperation in the post-crisis, post-Cold War Asia should be grounded more firmly on the principle of common humanity and true sense of reciprocity.

ASEAN 주요국의 교역장벽 연구

원용걸(Yong Kul Won)
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  12권 2호, 2002 pp. 29-62 ( 총 34 pages)
7,400
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Bilateral trade between Korea and ASEAN has decreased in a significant degree since the Asian financial crisis, which is mainly due to contraction of purchasing power in the both sides. Facing economic crisis, many ASEAN countries revoked already-announced trade liberalization scheme, which would be further reducing trade flows. It is also noticeable that Korea`s trade surplus against ASEAN has reduced, significantly in recent years. On the other hand, the WTO has opened a new round of multilateral trade negotiations in 2001, so-called Doha Development Agenda, in which reduction of trade barriers will be a major task. It would be urgent to well-prepare the negotiation to maximize our national interest. With this situation in mind, we intend to investigate trade barriers in general and high tariff items specifically in the major ASEAN countries based on the existing literature published by international organizations such as WTO, OECD and APEC as well as by individual countries such as the United States. Furthermore, we try to identify manufacturing goods that could be potentially improved in their export performance in the major ASEAN countries. In doing so, we examine bilateral trade data at HS code 4 digit level between Korea and the major ASEAN countries over the period of 1991-1996, and select Korea`s export items that had shown below average growth rate with relatively high tariff rates levied in the major ASEAN countries. Literature survey reveals that there exist many kinds of trade barriers in the major ASEAN countries such as significant tariff dispersion in the same HS codes, tariff escalation as well as high tariff rates in general. On the other hand, data analysis shows that some electric and electronic items(HS 85, 87), steel and chemical items(HS 72, 39), synthetic fabric items (HS 52, 54) recorded below average export performance with relatively high tariffs levied in the major ASEAN countries. What is surprising is that Korea had exported automobile to the major ASEAN countries very little to none, due to import-forbidden level of tariffs levied on the item. Acknowledging that we should cooperate with ASEAN in major trade issues such as developed countries` abuse of anti-dumping measures, we should at the same time be able to cope with trade barriers in the major ASEAN countries. Sufficient information on trade barriers in our major trading partners would be useful, not only for improving our export performance and thus maximizing our economic interest but as a bargaining chip against various situations. Competition with cooperation will be inevitable in this ever-changing world of international trade.
7,300
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Vietnamese agricultural reform, which is the transformation of the land system, has been developed by the Product Contract System in 1981, the Household Contract System in 1988 and the new Land Law in 1993. The acceleration of the transformation has been mainly due to the Southern peasants` resistance to the socialist collectivized agricultural system. Peasants have done their own business under the formal collectives, and tried to regain their land with the sense of private ownership since `Doi Moi` policy. As the state could not but accept peasants` demand to keep their own land and then stipulated the long-term using right of the land on the new 1993 Land Law, de facto private land ownership system has been established, though its ownership still belongs to the state. Under the process of the agricultural collectivization in the South and decollectivization in the whole country since the reunification, the Southern peasants had the main leverage to change the land ownership system in Vietnam.

정통성 위기와 정치변동 : 인도네시아 사례를 중심으로

이동윤(Dong Yoon Lee)
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  12권 2호, 2002 pp. 97-131 ( 총 35 pages)
7,500
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The purpose of this study is to propose a new approach to analyze political change, and to review the process of political change in current Indonesia. Especially, this study introduces the concept of `legitimacy` for investigating various factors to form the political power and reviews dynamic process of Indonesian political change, which is caused by legitimacy crisis. According to the result of this study, political change of indonesia since 1997 is not a linear process that political crisis is caused by economic crisis in 1997, but multi-lateral dynamic process that political change is influenced by the relations and changes of various legitimacy` factors: political, economic, Social, and cultural factors etc. Suharto`s New Order System has fallen down by multi-lateral legitimacy crisis. And current Indonesia is undergoing the new period to establish new legitimacy of political power.

말레이시아 외국인 노동자 문제의 특성과 파급영향

이경찬(Kyung Chan Lee)
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  12권 2호, 2002 pp. 133-167 ( 총 35 pages)
7,500
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This paper attempts to provide a broad overview of foreign workers in Malaysia by examining the nature, contributory factors and consequences of cross-country labor mobility and its economic, social and political consequences. The importation of foreign workers in Malaysia has been a necessity when the country was facing an acute shortage of labor force in its multi-sectoral development activities. Malaysia`s status in international labor migration is somewhat unique because of the presence of a large number of aliens, in particular illegal aliens. Among the factors which facilitated labor migration from major labor exporting countries to Malaysia are unequal development, employment opportunities, and wage rates between countries; increased investment and trade ties; geographical proximity; demographic and cultural factors; and the state`s policy. Coupled with its multi-ethnic social structure the rapid influx of foreign workers has created a number of major issues and implications on the local scenes; economic, social as well as political. Though undeniably the contribution of these workers to rapid economic growth and development of the country is significant, the continued arrivals of foreign labor pose some negative impacts and implications on the local society. In an attempt to minimize the negative ramifications of uncontrolled influx of foreign workers Malaysian government has taken various measures to regulate the inflow of alien labor and weed out the illegals. But the measures have achieved only limited success and the problems of illegal aliens continue to plague the country. In this context, the paper argues that the illegal inflow of aliens will persist unless the government changes its short-sighted opportunistic policies and looks for more profound ways of combating unskilled and semi-skilled labor shortages.

현대 말레이시아 입헌군주의 정치 , 사회적 영향력에 관한 연사적 연구

소병국(Byung Kuk Soh)
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  12권 2호, 2002 pp. 169-206 ( 총 38 pages)
7,800
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본 연구는 말레이시아에서 전통사회의 절대군주제가 식민지배와 전후 탈식민지화 그리고 독립이후 급속한 현대화 과정을 겪으면서 입헌군주제로 그 체제가 현격히 변화했음에도 불구하고 오늘날 서양과는 달리 입헌군주인 술탄이 여전히 정치, 사회적으로 무시할 수 없는 영향력을 행사하고 있는 원인을 역사적으로 고찰한다. 멀라까 왕국 시기에 확고한 통치제도로 성립된 술탄제도는 전통사회에서 말레이인의 정체성의 핵심 구성요소가 되었다. 이후 영국식민지배 하에서 술탄은 종교와 관습적인 분야를 제외하고 사실상 절대군주로서의 실권을 상실했다. 그럼에도 불구하고 영국 식민정부는 말레이인들에 대한 원활한 통치를 목적으로 그들의 정치적, 종교적 수장인 술탄들에게 막대한 급여를 제공하며 그들의 외관상 지위를 유지시켰으며, 나아가 왕권의 경쟁자들인 여러 귀족계층을 식민지체제의 관리로 편입시킴으로써 왕위다툼을 원천적으로 봉쇄했다. 따라서 술탄들은 그들의 신하에겐 여전히 존경과 경외의 대상으로 머물러 있었다. 1942년 말라야를 점령한 일본은 점령 초기엔 영국 식민정부와는 달리 술탄제의 유지를 위해 별다를 노력을 하지 않았다. 그러나 1942년 말부터 전세가 일본에게 불리하게 전개되자 일본 식민정부는 말레이인들의 원활한 협조를 위해 술탄에 대한 입장을 바꿔 영국인들과 유사한 정책을 폈다. 이로 인해 2차 대전 중에도 술탄들의 외관상 지위는 변화됨이 없이 여전히 말레이민들의 정체성의 핵으로 남아있었다. 전후 영국의 말라야 연방의 도입은 말레이인들의 거센 반발에 부딪쳤다. 이 연합안을 철회시키기 위해 다또 온 빈 자파르를 중심으로 한 말레이 민족주의자들은 말레이인들의 단합된 협력을 위해 이들의 정체성의 중심인 술탄들의 협력이 무엇보다도 중요함을 인지하고 그들과 적극적인 협력관계를 맺으며 결국 1948년에 연합안을 철회시키고 독립의 기본 체제인 말라야 연방안을 도입하는데 성공했다. 이러한 맥락 속에서 말레이시아의 술탄들은 전전, 전중, 전후의 시대 변화 속에서도 지속적으로 말레이인들의 정체성의 핵심으로 존재했다. 독립이후 1957년 헌법에 따라 술탄들은 입헌군주가 되었다. 그러나 이 헌법은 다민족 사회에서 술탄들에게 말레이인들의 특별한 지위와 권리를 보호하는 최후의 보루로서의 권한을 부여함으로써 여전히 현대 말레이시아에서도 비교적 막강한 정치, 사회적 영향력을 행사하고 있다. 1983년과 1993년에 소위 "헌법적 위기"를 통해 그 영향력이 다소 위축된 면을 보이고 있으나 말레이시아에서 술탄들이 말레이인들의 민족의식의 중심을 차지하고 있는 한사회 전반에 대한 그들의 영향력은 쉽게 희석되지 않을 것으로 보인다. 왜냐하면 술탄과 말레이인의 정체성의 관계는 멀라까 왕국의 성립이래 오랜 시기를 거치면서 지속적으로 유지되어온 역사적 산물이기 때문이다.
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