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논문검색은 역시 페이퍼서치

동남아시아연구검색

The Southeast Asian Review


  • - 주제 : 사회과학분야 > 인문지리
  • - 성격 : 학술지
  • - 간기: 계간
  • - 국내 등재 : KCI 등재
  • - 해외 등재 : -
  • - ISSN : 1229-6899
  • - 간행물명 변경 사항 :
논문제목
수록 범위 : 13권 1호 (2003)

스페인 식민지배하 필리핀의 토착 지배계급의 형성 과정

박승우 ( Seung Woo Park )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  13권 1호, 2003 pp. 1-34 ( 총 34 pages)
7,400
초록보기
In this paper I examine how local Filipino agrarian elites emerged and consolidated under the Spanish colonial regime and how they are shaped gradually into a solid local ruling class in the Philippines. Local class structure and class formation in a particular society cannot be fully explained without taking into consideration the external impact of world-system and the internal impact of the state. In this paper I propose that the processes of local class formation in the Philippines during the Spanish colonial period are largely shaped by the interaction between (1)external economic forces emanated from the Spanish world-system(from the mid-16th to the mid-18th centrury) and the Anglo-American world-system(from the mid-18th century onward),(2) the structure, composition, attitude and policy of the Spanish colonial state, and(3) socio-economic and structural remnants inherited from the previous local Filipino history. Each of these three sets of factors influences the others and is in turn influenced by them, and they in conjunction produce a socio-economic milieu where the seeds of the indigenous Filipino ruling class could geminate and grow

인도네시아에서의 노동자 리더쉽의 등장 : 동부자바 시도아르조의 마스삐온 1단지 사례

전제성 ( Je Seong Jeon )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  13권 1호, 2003 pp. 35-63 ( 총 29 pages)
6,900
초록보기
Democratization has brought meaningful changes to the labor movements. One of the notable changes occurred at the plant-level after democratization. Workers` resistance or "unjuk rasa"(shop-floor demonstrations)under the Suharto regime had been largely occurred as "resistance without organization", which could not lead to the establishment of representative unions at plants. In the post-Suharto era, by contrast, "resistance with organization" has developed. This study examines how democratization changes labor movements from the bottom, through the case of Maspion worker strikes. Maspion Unit I is located in Siloarto, the industrial area beside Surabaya. I conducted in-depth interviews with Maspion strike leaders and utilized a methodology of participatory observation of the union activities, during fieldwork conducted from January to May 2001. Acoording to the fieldwork data, this study argue the emergence of working-class leadership from the plant level unions. The emergence of a working-class leadership with a mass-base and financial autonomy, has influenced management by decreasing the shop-floor despotism, and revealed that the elite-oriented labor movement is in a process of change towards a "labor movement by the working class" in post-Suharto Indonesia.

인도네시아 아쩨(Aceh) 분리독립운동의 배경과 전개

제대식 ( Dae Sik Je )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  13권 1호, 2003 pp. 65-99 ( 총 35 pages)
7,500
초록보기
There have been tremendous changes and confusion in Indonesia. Especially the Separatist Movement developing in the Aceh and Irian areas have been attracting much attention of neighboring SE Asian countries and NE Asian countries. The trouble can be considered as a political panic in Indonesia, which might bring a secondary effect to other neighboring countries in a similar situation. Recent separatist movements in the Aceh area seem to be threatening unified Indonesia. There are many possibilities; the Indonesian government might allow limited autonomy to the aceh area and can maintain the present unified government. Federal government is another possibility. Or it can yield to the demand of the separatists. All these possibilities depend on such factors as separatists` strategy, Indonesian government`s reaction, changes in the indonesian political composition, military authorities`response, and diplomatic relations. The purpose of this study aims at analyzing the cause and possible future development. The relationship, before the declaration of GAM, between the Indonesian government and the Separatist in the Aceh area, and historical back ground of the conflict will be examined. From examining the Indonesian military authorities`infringement of human rights and the government`s succeeding management process, and economic exploitation, this study tries to infer a future for the Aceh area.
6,900
초록보기
This paper deals with ethnicity and ethnic identity in Malaysia and southern Thailand at the intra-Malay level. It was once supposed that ethnicity became a more important aspect of people`s identity with culture contact. Ethnicity was associated with tradition and conservatism in the organization of social relations, and urbanization with modernity and change. Continued research of the matter has indicated otherwise, however. In the ethnically diverse and competitive environment of the modern cultural situation, ethnic awareness tends to be heightened, and ethnicity is likely to become not less but more relevant as a basis for people`s relating to one another. This paper examines the historical, early ethnographic, and contemporary political analyses of the dynamics of the Malay-Muslims identities of Malaysia, especially Kelantan(the northeastern area of Malay peninsula) state, and Thailand, especially Patani region where located in the southern area of Thailand. The historical and ethnographic overview descries the Islamic influence on the traditional kingdom of Patani and Kelantanese Malays, the consequences of British colonialism, and the results of the reign of Thailand kingdom. The contemporary plolitical analysis is deprived from scholarly attempts at assessing the recent situation of Malay-Muslims as they faced the internal colonialism of the Thailand government and experience ethnic repression in malaysia and Thailand. The central concern in this paper is that under what conditions is ethnic identity activated and used as the basis for political mobilization more actively and effectively. In other words, what accounts for variation in the level of ethnic nationalism between the two Malay-Muslims communities? In this paper, it is hypothesized that certain aspects of ethnic policy produce the conditions under which ethnicity becomes most effectively utilized by the group as the basis for political mobilization. Consequently, this paper proposes to examine the relationship between the religious and ethnic policy and political mobilization, and degree of involvement in religious or ethnic activities of the Malay-Muslims communities in Malaysia and southern Thailand. The dynamics of ethnicity in Malaysia and Thailand show that the Malay-Muslims`ideas and attitudes of their own traditions have strict oppositions or a lot of differentiations in terms of the differences of religious understandings of Islamic principles and values, which have been influenced by the implementation of Islamization policy. In conclusion, this paper has illustrated the fluidity of malay-Muslims identities in Malaysia and Thailand, and has stressed that these identities are continually constructed and reconstructed on the basis of situationally defined political and social interests. They are not just primordial, nor are they purely voluntary constructions. They interact with outside forces, definitions as well and are important resources for political organizing. A remaining issue is whether these identities facilitate connections or set up barriers.

아웅산수지의 민주화 리더십: 용기모델과 민주화 전략

양길현 ( Gil Hyun Yang )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  13권 1호, 2003 pp. 131-164 ( 총 34 pages)
7,400
초록보기
This paper is intended to account for the possibility and strategies of Myanmar`s Democratization under Aung San Suu Kyi`s leadership. The `Courage Model` of Suu Kyi` leadership is based on her sense of responsibility and tenacity to make Myanmar `free from terror.` Her leadership comes from the voluntary fellowship of Myanmar people, which has developed from 1)the authority succession from father to daughter, 2)the overwhelming victory of NLD in the election of May 1990, 3)the political alternative of suu Kyi to the failure of military rule, 4)the symbolization of the oppressed human rights, and 5)the rising expectation to achieve economic growth and national reconciliation through the democratic processes. Aung San Suu Kyi is required to develop the ability to communicate and mobilize resources in order to continuously secure the support from Myanmar people and induce the military junta to open dialogue as well as intensify international solidarity. Especially, Aung San Suu Kyi will have to focus her activity to open another election as soon as possible.

19세기 남부베트남의 여성상 : "음탕함"과 그 함의

최병욱 ( Byung Wook Choi )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  13권 1호, 2003 pp. 165-198 ( 총 34 pages)
7,400
초록보기
This study looks for the background of an astonishingly negative image of the Emperor Minh Mang(1820-1841) on his southern female subjects: "The women of Gia Dinh (southern Vietnam) are usually very licentious." Ironically, however his firs wife was from Gia Dinh, and his favorite first daughter-in-law was also from the same region. It can be discussed that Ming Mang intentionally exaggerated the image of southern women as licentious with his political intention. To Minh Mang, who had been engaged with the task of incorporating southern Vietnam, southern women(southerners in general) were licentious, so that it was necessary for him to teach them. To teach them, southerners should be under his direct reach. At the same time, the semi-autonomous southern governors-general and their organizations should be removed only to be replaced by his own administrative units. In this context, the `licentiousness` was no more than politically portrayed image. However, this article pays more attention to the historical elements which could have been regarded and described as "licentious(or licentiousness)." As the first element, the higher status of southern women compared with those in central and northern Vietnam is discussed. The status of southern women was due to the recent experience of new land where women`s labour force was highly demanded leading to women`s higher right on properties. In addition, unlike to their counterparts in northern and central Vietnam where the cooperative spirit of village was high, southern families were more independent. Consequently, remarriage, for woman`s part, was not a reluctant choice after her separation from her husband mainly due to his death. The second element is the common activities of southern women in the field of commerce which was prospering in southern Vietnam. The most of southern women were familiar with riding small boats for their businesses reaching to much far distance compared with northern and central women whose activities were usually limited within a bamboo-hedged village. Longer journey on the boats or ships provided women with more opportunities to contact with men leading to possibly higher cases of `licentious` relationships. Thirdly, the practices of adultery and prostitution in southern Vietnam are discussed as concrete examples of `licentious` activities. Though severely punished in theory, adultery was observed not as rare in practice. Prostitution was just one of usual occupations in southern society where extreme poverty did not exist. In reality, author argues, demand for prostitution represented prospering domestic and international commerce of the 19th century southern Vietnam. Southern noble women including Minh Mang`s first wife and daughter-in-law, were from the rich landlord families who began to be influential in the central politics from 19th century. And many other southern women famous for their exemplary activities were based on their commercial activities or economic well beings. Namely, the background of both licentious and exemplary women was the growing force of southern economy during the 19th century. In this context, the conclusion of this article suggests that the `licentiousness` should be interpreted as the `power`. `dynamics`, or `potentials` of the 19th century southern Vietnam.

프랑스 식민지배 하의 북베트남 촌락 행정 개혁 : 하동띤(省) 메찌싸(社) 사례

김종욱 ( Jong Ouk Kim )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  13권 1호, 2003 pp. 199-237 ( 총 39 pages)
7,900
초록보기
This paper reconsiders a social change that French colonialism had driven to the northern Vietnamese villages in the early 20th century. Village in the Red River delta region had an overlapped administrative structure in the pre-modern period. Due to the old habits of decentralization and the State`s inability of manpower and finance, the village had the benefit of autonomous administration despite the repeated invention of the State. Being made through the guarantee of land taxes, poll tax, military service and corvee, the mutual concessions between the State and the village had given more lucrative benefits to the latter. Village autonomy had headed the village oligarchy corruptive and inefficient in everyday life of village administration. The French colonial authorities had carried out Cai luong huong chinh, the village administrative reform in order to support the Khai thac thuoc dia, even more emphasied mission in the colony. With the 3times of complimentary measures, the French drive was to draw the village into the State administrative system by means of the elimination of village notables, the set up of democratic polling system and the establishing of more overt village budget. However the result was controversial since it not only had to bring back the previous institutions of old administration but also had made progresses in debilitating the village oligarchy and in qualifying the new village officials by requiring the certificates of the Franco-Vietnamese school or the School of Secretary. Some primary sources form the Vietnam National Archives and form a long field research assist to conclude that the French were successful to change the tangible factors in the village administration but were unable to wash out the more fundamental nature of village autonomy. It is not just because the French were not prepared in manpower and financial mobilization like the Vietnamese feudal regimes. Rather it is more likely that the kinship (dong ho), the ethnocentricity and the selfish behaviors of Vietnamese villagers had blocked the French trial.

태국어 어휘 "커" 에 관한 연구

윤경원 ( Kyung Won Yoon )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  13권 1호, 2003 pp. 239-278 ( 총 40 pages)
8,000
초록보기
The purpose of this thesis is to study the uses of word "k??" in regards to its positions, grammatical function and meaning. First, the word "k??:" is a single word with various functions. It can function as word linker, word-group linker, clause linker, and a sentence linker. the position of the word "k??:" is between the elements that it links. These units are usually of the same type (i.c word and word; group of word and group of word; clause and clause; and sentence and sentence.) These elements are usually similar. The linked groups of words censist of the same set of components. The linked clauses are of the same type. It is very rate for "k??:" to link elements which are not semilar. Second, "k??" serves a semantic function of placing emphasis on the elements being linked. When it links word of groups of words the emphasis is placed in two different manners. First it will emphasis the meaning of word of group of word which are the meaning from the context of situation. Second it will reveal the meaning of word or group of word in various manners. When "k??:" links a clause or a sentence, the emphasis will be placed only on the clause or sentence in which "k??" is contained. Third, the word "k??" is used as idioms. The study consists of 5chapter. Chapter 1 is an intruduction. Chapter 2 deals with "k??:" as a linker of words or group of words. Chapter 2 deals with "k??:" as a linker of clauses. Chapter 4 deals with "k??:" as a idiom. Chapter 5 is a conclusion and suggestion.

ASEAN+3 협력과 동아시아 정체성

배긍찬 ( Geung Chan Bae )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  13권 1호, 2003 pp. 279-311 ( 총 33 pages)
7,300
초록보기
Recently, East Asia is witnessing the emergence of a new regional cooperation framework, namely, ASEAN+3. The ASEAN+3 framework is certainly taking root as the central mechanism for regional cooperation in East Asia. However, what it lacks is regional identity as a prerequisite to creating an environment conducive to closer regional unity and cooperation. Fostering a strong sense of East Asian identity and congeniality is essential for expediting genuine regional cooperation and, moreover, for helping reach the ultimate goal of East Asian integration. Yet, it is no easy task to develop a regional identity in a region like East Asia with huge diversities in its political, economic, social, and cultural characteristics, while disparities between Southeast and Northeast Asia are even more conspicuous. Nonetheless, regional identity is an evolving rather than a fixed concept, such that regional identity in East Asia has and is undergoing change. It is important to begin with a fresh review of East Asian history based on a maritime identity of the region, which offers a useful context for exploring the shared historical background. In order to create a new East Asian regional identity, the history of the region needs to be rewritten with a special attention to the various life experiences of the peoples of East Asia. In this regard, East Asian countries need to consider the creation of an "East Asian Forum for Regional Identity" in which historians and scholars from different countries can rewrite East Asian history through active exchanges their knowledge and insights.

동아시아 협력 이론의 분석과 적용 : ASEAN+3을 중심으로

이요한 ( Yo Han Lee )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  13권 1호, 2003 pp. 313-339 ( 총 27 pages)
6,700
초록보기
East Asia has yet achieved a successful regional cooperation in spite of deepening regional interdependence. However, this study will show that the demand of a regional cooperation in East Asian region grows larger than ever. It is because cooperation and a policy coordination of the countries in the region for common profits becomes more necessary. This article will consider the viewpoint of regional cooperation, change of an attitude of East Asia and policies on cooperation plans. This article reviews previous studies of East Asia regional cooperation which could be categorized into Korean and foreign perspective. I try to clarify the contributions and limitations of previous literature. I also define the main concepts relating to the regional cooperation, such as ; regionalization, regionalism milieu. Finally I have made a comparative study of the cooperation theory; neorealism indicates that a regional cooperation of East Asia is inherently impossible, at best their cooperation which makes less developed countries to be incorporated in the system where the hegemonic power leads. And soft regionalism points out various background which prevents the political cooperation from emerging. This article will consider the possibility and the prospect of East Asian regional cooperation on the basis of neoliberal institutionalism as an alternative approach. Regional interdependence inevitably gives way to the demand of regional cooperation. East Asia should strive for regional cooperation through stat-led pattern beyond bygone.
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