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논문검색은 역시 페이퍼서치

동남아시아연구검색

The Southeast Asian Review


  • - 주제 : 사회과학분야 > 인문지리
  • - 성격 : 학술지
  • - 간기: 계간
  • - 국내 등재 : KCI 등재
  • - 해외 등재 : -
  • - ISSN : 1229-6899
  • - 간행물명 변경 사항 :
논문제목
수록 범위 : 13권 2호 (2003)

태국의 사회구조 변화와 정치변동

김홍구 ( Kim Hong Gu )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  13권 2호, 2003 pp. 1-38 ( 총 38 pages)
7,800
초록보기
Thailand has experienced rapid economic growth and the change of social structure since 1980`s. With these, extra-bureaucratic groups-businessmen, politi-cal parties, civic groups-have strengthened political powers and shared political powers with the military and civil bureacrats. The general aspect of political change since 1980`s in Thailand can be explained that the military power was getting weaker, while the political power of extra-bureaucratic groups was getting stronger, even exceeding the military power. This thesis focuses on the tentative aspects of political change followed by rapid economic growth and the change of social structure especially with having keen interest in the important actors related to the political change-military, businessmen, political parties, civic groups and the King. In details, I analyze the following three factors. the first factor is the internal change of military and the civilian control against the military which become the main causes for alleviating the military political powers. The second factor is the political role of extra-bureaucratic groups-businessmen, political parties, civic groups-which will result in expanding their political powers. The last factor is the King`s political role as a peacemaker when the above-mentioned two important powers struggle to take power.

동남아 시민사회의 형성과 진화: 타이 사례를 중심으로

박은홍 ( Park Eun Hong )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  13권 2호, 2003 pp. 39-68 ( 총 30 pages)
7,000
초록보기
The state-NGO relationship in Thailand has swung back and forth between collaboration and antagonism. Thai civil society began to be expanded as results of student movement against monolithic military regime. Paradoxically the military-led developmentalism had made university students` influences increased. The military regime was collapsed by the students who led civil society. The weakened `bureaucratic polity` made room for the growth of civil society which accompanied the spread of pluralistic values. But the leadership of students did not satisfy liberal civil society. They searched after radical communitarianism. However, they confronted the attack of grand conservative alliance which was composed of extreme rightist, royal family, and middle class. The bloody terror of October 1976 was committed by rightists. Dictatorship resurged. Not a few of the students and activists joined Communist Party of Thailand whose base camp was in the jungle. But they came down from the mountain before long beacuse of intraparty conflicts and China and Vietnam`s withdrawing support to them. Some of activists who were disappointed in lefitist activities participated development NOGs that tackled the issues of forest and environmental protection, prostitution, and the education and living condition in urban ghetto areas under the slogan, "habitants-participatory democracy and its continuous growth." We can call the 1980s and NGO period. NOG activists rapidly increased. The social forces which led civil society changed from students group to NGO. Many NGOs joined "Black May" incident of 1992 followed by the invigoration and democratization. NOGs played a key rolein strengthening civil society. But they have some limits. First, the percentage of NGOs relying on foreign funding is the highest. Secondly, `good governance` supported by most of NOGs is not beyond elite-led civil society concept. Thirdly, the underpriviliged social forces such as labor, peasant and the urban poor were still marginalised even though the status of NGO improved comparatively.

필리핀의 발전전략과 국가와 사회간 관계의 재평가

박승우 ( Park Seung U )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  13권 2호, 2003 pp. 69-111 ( 총 43 pages)
11,800
초록보기
The development strategy or model that the Philippines has employed in her postwar socio-economic development efforts is basically anchored upon the free market principle. The Philippine government has pursued the `free market devel-opment strategy` more vigorously since Corazon Aquino`s regime superseded Marcos`s authoritarian on in 1986 through the `People Power` revolution. Notwithstanding the fact that the postwar Philippines followed this market-orient-ed development trajectory, it wasn`t able to escape the economic crisis that mired most Southeast Asian economies in the late 1990s. In this paper I argue that one of the many causes which goaded this country into the cul-de-sac of socio-economic turmoil should be found in the problems and limitations of the state and politico-economic system in the Philippines and that we can identify at least three salient features in this regard: (1) the limitations of the postwar Philippine state as a `weak` state, (2) problems as a `patrimonial` state, and (3) the postwar Philippine economy as the `rent-seeking capitalism`. This study reveals that these three features not only encroached upon the state system and political leadership of the Marcos regime, but they have also entangled those of the Aquino and Ramos regimes. Among their many ramifications are the national crisis and the downfall of the Marcos regime in the mid-1980s and the economic difficulties that the Philippines had to face in the late 1990s.

식민지시기 말레이 술탄의 위상과 역할

소병국 ( So Byeong Gug )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  13권 2호, 2003 pp. 113-149 ( 총 37 pages)
7,700
초록보기
Unlike the most cases in Southeast Asia, the traditional royal power of Malay sultans was not eroded in the wake of modernization under colonial rules. This study attempts to investigate driving forces behind the exceptional phenomenon. The raja and kerajaan, once firmly established within the Melaka society, became the central cornponent of Malay identity. At the beginning of its colonial rule, in fact, the British did not recognize how the royal power was crucial in the traditional Malay society. After understanding its reality through the sultans` roles on socio-political turmoils, for the British eyes, the institution of monarchy became such an effective instrument of control of the rakyat that they fully took advantage of its viability. As a result, the royal power was maintained. Rather, it will not be improper to say that the royal power was strengthened under British rule. However, it should be mentioned that the result was attributed, to a certain degree, to the sultans` active roles rather than British colonial policies unlike many historians believe. In addition, the "serviceable past" continued to play an effective role during the following periods. In the first year of the occupation, the Jappanese did not attempt to take advantage of the raja for controlling Malay rakyat Around the end of 1942, however, the turning tide of the war forced the Japanese to alter their policy toward the sultans. Like the British before the was, the Japanese made use of the serviceable past for the purpose of uniting the Malays under the sultans. In consequence, the royal power continued to be effective without its serious erosion, while the rakyat regarded the sultans as the central component of their identity. In the early stages of the protest against the Malayan Union, the general feeling among the Malays included a certain amount of antagonism toward the sultans who had signed away their birthright without reference to their people. However, when the aristocratic intellectuals employed the same serviceable past like the colonial powers had done, the ideological position of the Malay rulers was restored. Consequently, in the wake of the protest, the raja or kerajaan was crystallized as an integral symbol of Maly nationalism, which was a modernized version of the mystical link between the raja and the rakyat in the sultanate of Melaka.

말레이시아 재정지출이 경제성장 효과에 관한 실증적 연구(1970-1997)

원순구 ( Won Sun Gu )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  13권 2호, 2003 pp. 151-185 ( 총 35 pages)
7,500
초록보기
The purpose of this dissertation si to appraise the role of public sector and to analyze empirically the effects of government expenditure on economic growth from 1970 to 1997 in Malaysia. The effects of government expenditure on economic growth have been extensively considered in the macroeconomic literature. Recently, some macroeconomists have reconsidered the impact which the government expenditures and tax decisions may have on macroeconomic variables. The government activities turn out to have effects on long-run growth rates because we are considering models that generate endogeneous growth. In this model, changes in government activities would amount to shifts in the production function. To analyze the implications of this theoretical model, I made an empirical study, using by OLS estimation and Impulse response function method. The main empirical results based on the analysis of annual data of 5 components of Korean real GDP - government investment, private consumption, private investment, net export-can be summarized as follows: 1) There exists a significant positive relationship between government investment, spending and private activities. (i.e. private investment, private consumption, realGDP) which is consistent with the theoretical results. 2) The response of private investment and GDP to the change in govemment consumption expenditures is statistically insignificant, but increasing government consumption expenditure partially crowd out private consumption. 3) The reaponse of private consumption, private investment and GDP to the change in total government spending is statistically insignificant. probably because the largeshare of consumption components in total government spending has a dominant effect on private spending. The above empirical results confirm the hypotheses of the theoretical model, and the results suggest that a model treating government expenditures as a singleexpenditure component is not adequate. To capture the effect of some government expenditures on real output, it seems more appropriate to treat this kind of purchase as public capital that increases the marginal product of the private production process, as considered externalities between public capital and private capital.

말레이시아에서의 정치위기와 체제변동의 동학

황인원 ( Hwang In Won )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  13권 2호, 2003 pp. 187-222 ( 총 36 pages)
7,600
초록보기
This paper is concerned with the nexus between a dynamic conflict structure and regime maintenance strategies in Malaysia. The central question is how the ruling political elite, especially UMNO and Mahathir, has been able to maintain its own political hegemony while at the same time maintaining a fairly high degree of regime stability. The study assumes that the conflict structure challenging or undermining the maintenance of the regime in Malaysia has been changing since independence in 1957. And, the period of changing conflict configurations provides opportunities for a fresh look at the nature of the ruling elite`s regime maintenance strategies in accommodating new social and political challenges. An assumption throughout lies in the nature of power politics that those who enjoy positions of power in the apparatus of the state are unlikely to give up their power willingly. Although the UMNO-led ruling elite has adapted to changing expectations of Malaysian society to meet new social and political confict circumstances, the single most important motive for regime change and regime maintenance is to sustain its ownpolitical power. The study has shown in detail what made the UMNO-led ruling elite transform its regime maintenance approaches (from consociational bargaining to authoritarian UMNO dominance then to Mahathir`s personal dominance) and what were the essential elements of these changing regime maintenancestrategies.

인도네시아 이슬람에서의 종교적 권위의 형성과 그 성격

김형준 ( Kim Hyeong Jun )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  13권 2호, 2003 pp. 223-250 ( 총 28 pages)
6,800
초록보기
The purpose of this paper is to examine the nature of religious authority in reformist Islam in Indonesia. For this, the paper analyzes qualifications of religious leaders, attributes of religious knowledge emphasized in interpreting religious teachings, the process of issuing the fatwa or religious decision and relations between religious leaders and ordinary followers. This study may shed light on the characteristics of reformist Islam in Indonesia and on those of traditional Islam compared with the former. In the second section of this paper, religious authority in traditional Islam is investigated. The following section looks at the perspective of reformist Islam on religious knowledge and authority, and the fourth section deals with, by examining how the fatwa is issued, rational approaches to the scriptures supported by reformist Islam. In order to look at how ideas of reformist Islam are applied to real situations, a case of Javanese village is examined in the last section. I will analyze who are considered as Islamic leaders, what are their major activities and in what mode their interactions with ordinary villagers are made.

베트남 경제 발전의 정치 동학 (1976-1997)

김종욱 ( Kim Jong Ug )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  13권 2호, 2003 pp. 251-286 ( 총 36 pages)
7,600
초록보기
In the late 1990s, Socialist Republic of Vietnam (SRV) had been in trouble with its socialist marketeconomy. However, I am not positive about the point that this situation mainly came from the Asian financial crisis at that time. Rather it seems to have deep roots of the inappropriate policy of the Vietnam Communist Party (VCP). This paper examines the relationship between the Vietnam`s Party politics and economicdevelopment since its unification in 1975, based upon the limits of party leadership changes, organizations, decision making process. Analyzing the political fluctuation of the Vietnamese economic development, the paper divides into 4 periods of stagnation (1976-1981), impulsion(1982-1985), preservation (1986-1995), degeneration(1996-1997). First, the party`s promotion of younger cadres and techoncrats could not solve the defects of socialist market economy because of the conflicts between conservatioves and progressives, ideologue and pragmatist after the national reunification. The wartime Party leadership still took charge of the whole politics and economics in the stagnation period. During the impulsion and the preservation periods, it had vigorously selected new members. But the generational changes in the Party could not guaranteed the fundamental transformation despite the establishment of socialist market economy. The new leadership in the degeneration period became younger and more professional but lacked strong charisma at the same time. The prolonged factionalism had disintegrated the leadership in policy making and could not cope with the domestic and international economy in time. Second, the Party had lost its influence in economic policy making for its poor sub-organizations. The preservation of the wartime organizations had tackled the economic reforms in the South and drove the national economy into the stagnated situation. In the impulsion and the preservation periods, the Party had to concede its absolute power to the Government ad the National Assembly including the administrative jurisdictions. However, such attempts could not speed up the economic transition. Rather the national economy fell down into the degeneration because the communist political system itself still had been centralized, because the sub-organizations of the Part, the Government and the National Assembly were not institutionalized with regards to the economic policy. Third, the Party`s efforts to decentralize the decision-making process had not been successful to develop the national economy. The Party in the impulsion period had tried to change the tradition of authoritarian decision making process. The new style of decision making process continued in the preservation period. However, the collapse of East European communist regimes and the Chinese political instability in the late 1980s had the hard-liners come back to regain the power and the liberalization of economic reform should be halted. In the degeneration period, the Party had opportunities again to improve the decision making process and permitted open debates and critical public opinion in the central and the local Party meetings. But the Party had never abandoned its tradition of collectivism and unanimity so it had been unable to respond the current economic situation. The Party`s political approach to the economic issues had decreased its policy efficiency.

향약의 조직원리와 지역자치: 베트남 모짝싸(xa Mo Trach, 慕澤社)의 사례

한도현 ( Han Do Hyeon )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  13권 2호, 2003 pp. 287-322 ( 총 36 pages)
7,600
초록보기
The community compact or Huong Uoc was widely practiced since the Le dynasty in Vietnam. Houng Uoc in Sino-Vietnamese is the same word as Xiang Yue ic Chinese or Hyan g`yag in Korean. The French colonial government in Vietnam used the tradition of the community compact to control colonial Vietnam. And since the 1990s, the contemporary Vietnamese government revived the tradition of the community compact to develop rural villages. This paper focuses on the community compact of Vietnam before French colonialism controlled Vienam. The community compact from the Le dynasty to the Nguyen dynasty is called the old community compact (Huong Uoc Co). The old community compact is very precious resource for studying Vietnamese traditional culture and society. In this paper, the author analyzed the case of Mo Trach village in Binh Giang county, Hai Duong province in north Vietnam. The village produced many famous Confucian scholars and mandarins. Through the research on the case of Mo Trach village, the author criticized the previous interpretations of the community compact. The previous studies maintained that the community compact was a tool for the dominant class to rule the villagers. In criticizing this interpretation, the author shows that the old community compact of Mo Trach village had liberal elements of local autonomy and helped villagers cultivate the affectionate social relations(tinh cam) among themselves. Finally, the author argues that the community compact is a prototype of the third realm in East Asian society where the government and the voluntary associations meet together. However, since this argument is just based on a single case, more research on diverse cases is definitely required to discuss the characteristics of the community compact in Vietnam.

캄보디아의 정치적 파벌과 민주화 과정

박성관 ( Park Seong Gwan )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  13권 2호, 2003 pp. 323-346 ( 총 24 pages)
6,400
초록보기
This paper analyzes the political democratization in Cambodia, focusing on domestic and internationall aspects. In Cambodia, domestically, democratization denotes a system of government since 1993 that meets conditions of competition, political participation, and civil and political liberties among the various factions including King Sihanouk, Hun Sen, Khmer Rouge and other nationalist groups. Democratization in Cambodia, however, exists in an environment that contains other countries. By their action ns foreign countries have massively affected the chances for Cambodian democracy: the United States, France, China, Russia, Japan, Vietnam. In a nation with turbulent past so new to the democratic experience and so lacking in basic institute ional development and human resources, the road to full democratic develop ment will be a long one.
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