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논문검색은 역시 페이퍼서치

동남아시아연구검색

The Southeast Asian Review


  • - 주제 : 사회과학분야 > 인문지리
  • - 성격 : 학술지
  • - 간기: 계간
  • - 국내 등재 : KCI 등재
  • - 해외 등재 : -
  • - ISSN : 1229-6899
  • - 간행물명 변경 사항 :
논문제목
수록 범위 : 14권 1호 (2004)

동아시아 지역주의: ASEAN의 시각과 전략

권율 ( Kwon Yul )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  14권 1호, 2004 pp. 1-40 ( 총 40 pages)
8,000
초록보기
In spite of the expanded mutual dependence and the remarkable economic growth, discussions on intra-regional economic integration have been at a standstill. However, a trend for economic integration of East Asia is accelerating with the ASEAN cooperating system. ASEAN has been promoting economic integration since the early 1990s. It realized ASEAN 10by increasing its membership through the additions of Vietnam, Myanmar, Laos and Cambodia(CLMV countries) to enlarge the effectiveness of economic integration. After China agreed to create an FTA with ASEAN at the 5th ASEAN+3 Summit in 2001, Japan considered the possibility of losing leadership over East Asia economic integration, leading it to see general cooperation with ASEAN. As a result, Japan promptly agreed to the FTA with Singapore in 2002 and instituted a practical work detail for promoting FTA with each Southeast Asian Country, signing the Framework for Comprehensive Economic Partnership with ASEAN during the 7th ASEAN+3 Summit in bali. Moreover, the Japanese government is set to hold an ASEAN summit in December 2003 and hold a japan-ASEAN summit as a plan for economic relations with ASEAN. Regionalism will be consistently accelerated and in the mid-and long-term, forming the three major economic blocs the EU, America and East Asia will be inevitable. To prepare for this outcome, it is necessary to pay attention to the enlargement and deepening of cooperation in East Asia and to prepare synthetic plans to deal rapidly with the trend of economic integration. The range of East Asia cooperation under ASEAN+3 is increasing, providing new opportunities to East Asian countries. Therefore, an East Asian economic cooperation community under mutual dependence would be useful for the present. Through the ASEAN+3 cooperation channels, an exchange of views on regional issues of external economics and formulating steps together would raise the negotiation power of East Asian countries on the international stage such as APEC and WTO. Consequently, Korea should strategically promote the plan toward East Asian economic integration in three steps: first contracting an FTA with Singapore and ASEAN in the region; second, organizing the economic cooperation community of Northeast Asia and third, contracting FTA in the scope of East Asia. Korea should also continue to promote persistent relations with APEC and the United States while encouraging harmony with intra-regional countries using the ASEAN+3 system as a lever to hasten FTA agreements toward a direct and overall economic integration of East Asia.

태국 정당의 정치자금에 관한 연구

이병도 ( Lee Byeong Do )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  14권 1호, 2004 pp. 41-85 ( 총 45 pages)
12,000
초록보기
This article aims to study the problem of political finance in Thailand. The Article is divided into two parts. The First dealt with political parties and political finance before 1997, while the second concentrates on political finance under the 1997 Constitution. From 1932 until now, political parties in Thailand have gone through an uneven process of democratization. Some academics label Thai political parties as election parties. This phenomenon has led to rampant corruption and vote buying practices. It is evident that political finance and expenditure are at the root of the problem. Therefore, a desire to eliminate vote buying and corruption leaded to the promulgation of the new constitution 1997. The Charter adopted a variety of measures, for example, compulsory voting, a mixed electoral system and an independent Election Commission. And in order to cope with the problem of transparency in political finance, the new constitution provides various improvements; regulation of donations, provision of public funding for parties and candidates, limits on campaign expenditures and, more importantly, transparency in political financing. As for disclosure and transparent of political finance, the Thai system is comparatively good. But the problem concerning regulation of political finance how to regulate, and how to make that regulation accepted by political actors.

필리핀의 정당정치와 민주주의 공고화

정영국 ( Jeong Yeong Gug ) , 이동윤 ( Lee Dong Yun )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  14권 1호, 2004 pp. 87-120 ( 총 34 pages)
7,400
초록보기
The purpose of this study is to review the party politics and to clarify the relationship bet ween party politics and democratic consolidation after the 1986 democratization in the Philippines. The `stability` of party politics is an important factor to influence the development of democratic politics and democratic consolidation. In this study, `stability` of party politics means durability and steadiness of party politics which can be evaluated by effective number of political parties, electoral volatility, and organization structure of political party, etc. In our analysing on the party politics after the 1986 democratization in the Philippines, we find that stability of party politics is very low level. The effective number of political parties was unstable, and the level of electoral volatility was very high. Furthermore, the organization structure of political party was not representative of the Philippine people, and then political parties of the Philippines could not be mass parties. Therefore, party politics had a reverse effect on the democratic consolidation preocess in the Philippines.

베트남의 "유적공인" 사업과 지방의 이질적인 공동체

최호림 ( Choe Ho Lim )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  14권 1호, 2004 pp. 121-161 ( 총 41 pages)
11,600
초록보기
The current revivification of communal activities in the socialist Vietnamese society does not simply result from the increased economic capacity of the local people after `doi moi`(renovation), or from the alleviation of the State`s control over the people`s society. I take the revitalization of village rituals in a traditional urban village, LangDai Yen, not as a cultural phenomenon sui genesis, but rather as one kind of collective response of the villagers toward the State`s policies, and a characteristic representation of social differentiation in local community. The ritual events need to be investigated within the context of complex processes of the reproduction of various social relations. Besides, there always lies not only the homogeneity, but also the heterogeneity, behind the remaking processes of the village`s communal events. Among many factors that explain the social differentiation of the people within the village, `aboriginality` is a key factor that gives rise to the demarcation of the groups in the imagined homogeneous community. The origin and the boundary of the `indigenous-ness` identity are ambiguous. However, the identity serves as one of the most powerful elements to distinguish the different status of the villagers. Although the Vietnamese central State might have loosened its power over ideological and cultural matters at some point, a close reading of local interactions reveals that the local State has always kept a constant watch on these matters. Moreover, the campaign for the certification of the dinh(communal house) demonstrated that the State was deliberately and powerfully involved in remaking of local "culture." To approach the very core of the state-society relations, there is need to explain the nature of social differentiation inherent to the local village, which the state`s function to manage and reinvent local people`s tradition can be sustained through. In highlighting of the dynamic interfaces between the villagers and the state at the local level, I examine how these interfaces are dialectically linked to the interaction between different social clusters within the urban `traditional` community. There is mediation space at the everyday level which qualifies Vietnamese state`s dominance of local society.

태국의 여성발전정책

황규희 ( Hwang Gyu Hui )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  14권 1호, 2004 pp. 163-200 ( 총 38 pages)
7,800
초록보기
During the UN`s Decade of Women(1975-85) as it followed the period of the "democracy boom(1973-76)" in Thailand. Since that time, several women activists and social workers have felt an inadequacy in the government`s current views and approaches to the issue of women`s development. Increased equality between men and women was attained in the 1974 Constitution, the result of pressure from a movement promoting the status of women. This paper focuses on the policies on women`s development in Thailand in order to solve the source of inequality of women`s right. Policies on women`s development in Thailand have influenced both by international agreements and conventions and national legislation. Thailand adopts the obligations its government has made under various international conventions, agreements, protocols and commitments. Among the most relevant are the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, International Labor Convention and Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women. Main objectives of the women`s development policies can be summarized in to three broad categories as follows: To enhance women`s economic and political opportunity and choices so that they can fully develop their potential; To encourage women to become more involved in all aspects of national development and at all levels of the decision-making process, and not be confined to their role in the family, Tocreate a national environment that will be supportive of women`s employment. In 1989, the National Commission on Women`s Affairs was established as the national machinery for promoting and coordinating efforts for the advancement of women. Its main responsibility is to advise the Government on women`s issues, prepare policy statements and development plans for submission to the acbinet for approval, and make recommendations on legislation that may affect women`s human rights and their basic freedoms. NGOs on women in Thailand are broad bases, raging from grassroots organizations of people at the upper level of Thai society. According to Beijing Declaration and Platform Action, they are paying more attention to international developments that impact on women, such as international human rights issues. National Council of Women of Thailand(NCWT) is one of the largest, longest lasting and best-known women`s organization. It is an umbrella organization of women NGOs whose network reaches all provinces of Thailand. Recently NCWT has made serious and quite successful attempts to reach out and work on a partnership basis with grassroots women`s group. After the Constitution 1997 which is specified that men and women have equal rights, and unjust discrimination against a person on the grounds of sex in not permitted, NCEA as well as NGOs worked throughout the constitution drafting process to ensure the provision for the promotion of human rights, gender equality and social justice.

인도, 태국, 필리핀의 아동노동 현황과 배경요인

최동주 ( Choe Dong Ju )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  14권 1호, 2004 pp. 201-246 ( 총 46 pages)
12,100
키워드보기
초록보기
아동노동의 심각성은 아시아와 아프리카 지역에서 두드러져 세계 아동노동 인구의 90퍼센트 이상을 차지하고 있다. 특히 아시아·태평양 지역의 아동노동은 세계화의 물결 속에서 각 국가의 경제발전 단계나, 교육수준가 인프라의 구축 정도, 사회·문화적인 배경에 따라 그 유형이나 발생 배경이 매우 다양한 양태를 보여주고 있다. 본 연구의 분석대상인 인도, 태국, 필리핀의 경우에도 국가간 아동노동의 발생원인과 유형이 상이하게 나타나고 있을 뿐만 아이라, 한 국가 내에서도 지역간의 차이를 비롯하여 다양한 유형이 존재하고 있었다. 본 연구는 다음과 같은 내용으로 이루어졌다. 2장에서는 비교분석의 설득력을 제고하기 위해 아동노동의 유형화 작업을 하였다. 3장에서는 본 연구가 설정한 세 가지 국가 사례를 현황중심으로 논의하였다. 개별국가의 활동주체들에 의해 이루어진 아동노동의 근절 프로그램의 내용들을 정리하고 이의 시현성을 중심으로 논의하였다. 4장에서는 3장 현황에 근거하여 아동노동의 원인을 분석하였다. 이를 통해 국가별로 상이한 아동노동에 대한 정의 및 노동조건의 문제를 설명하는 주요 변수들을 밝혀내고, 이러한 변수들이 근절방안에 어떻게 반영될 수 있는가 논의하였다. 현황을 중심으로 분석된 인도, 태국, 필리핀 등 3개 연구 대상국가의 아동노동 발생요인들 중 경제적 요인과 이로 인한 교육시스템 차원의 문제는 결국 개별 국가의 재정여건 및 경제발전의 정도와 직결되어 있기 때문에 단기적으로 해결할 수 있는 사안이 아니며, 물리적으로도 노동의 수급상황을 고려할 때 불가능하다고 볼 수 있다. 그러나 지속적으로 요구되는 국제사회의 지원과 이에 부응하는 개별국가의 정책적 제도적 협력과 가치체계의 전환이 요구되는 사회문화적 요인들에 대한 개선 및 대응방안들은 충분히 가능하다고 볼 수 있다. 또한 서론의 아동노동 유형 분류상 Ⅰ과 Ⅲ의 경우, 경제적 개별국가에 대해 요구하는 아동노동의 필요성과 중요성이 상이하며, 경제적 의미에서는 부분적으로 국가의 생존을 위해 필요하다고 전제할 수도 있다는 점을 감안할 필요가 있다. 따라서 단기적인 대응의 경우 비공식적 영역에서의 아동노동의 지속적인 확산을 저지할 수 있는 차원에서의 정책적 고려가 가장 시급하다고 볼 수 있다.

프랑스 식민지배하의 베트남 근대성: 민주 개념의 형성을 중심으로

김종욱 ( Kim Jong Ug )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  14권 1호, 2004 pp. 247-283 ( 총 37 pages)
7,700
초록보기
This paper examines the nature of democracy in the modernization process in Vietnam under the French colonial rule in the early twentieth century. Since the World War I, the internal and external factors provides favorable conditions for the Vietnamese intellectuals discuss political liberalization and democracy. The Meiji Renovation movement in Japan, the K`ang Yu Wei and Liang Ch`i Chao`s Renovation movement in Chinal, the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia gave lessons to the Vietnamese nationalist intellectuals. The victory of the French Socialist Party and the People`s Fronts also gave good chance for the Vietnamese to demand the political rights in the colony. On the other hand, the French colonial rule had escalated colonial industrialization and had contributed to the accumulation of the Vietnamese national capital. This development had effects on the nationalist democratic movements. With this, there appeared the new social strata such as students, teachers, officials, reporters who led the political struggles for more political rights and freedom. Among them, there were at least three groups of the Vietnamese intellectuals who led, organized, planned the political struggle for democracy against the French colonial authorities; the neo-confucian patriots, the reformists and the radicals. In the first half of the twentieth century, there were two important events in forming the democracy in Vietnam; the confrontation between the Alexandre Varenne and the Vietnamese reformists in 1926 and the dispute between the Stalinist and the Trotskyist in the Indochina Communist Party in 1937. The former event showed that the discords of the french authorities and the Vietnamese intellectuals had frustrated a good chance to transplant the western bourgeois democracy into Vietnam in a peaceful way. Alexandre Varenne had to shackle himself owing to his contradictory position as a socialist and as a colonialist. The traditional neo-confucian patriots failed to make more clear concept of democracy and concrete strategy to realize the democracy and lost their leading position in renovation movement. The reformists adhered to their position exclude the peasants and the workers in the political struggle against the French colonial government. They also kept close relationship with the French authorities and therefore also lost their legitimacy in the nationalist movement. The radicals had yet consolidated their position in the intellectual movement at the time. Both the Vietnam Nationalist Party`s members and the communists had to attempt vainly to lose themselves in forming the local organizations and in making the strategies. Therefore, each party`s devotion to realize the democracy in the colonized Vietnam was too independent to bring the western democracy into the Vietnamese society. The latter event indicated that the ideological struggle among the communist camp missed an opportunity to realize the proletariat democracy(or democratic centralism) in Vietnam. In the 1930s, the radicals, especially the communist met a favorable chance that the Third International(the Comintern), the French government of People`s Front and the Indochina Communist Party had made. However, the French government had never sent the Committee of Inspection to Vietnam because of the severe interior opposition. The traditional patriots and the reformists had no longer played an important role in the mass political liberation movement. The Stalinist included Duong Bach Mai, Nguyen Van Tao who were the main forces in the Indochina Communist Party. They revealed their limits when the Indochina Congress was not held and the People`s Front in Vietnam could not rally all social strata to fight against the French colonial exploitation. Moreover, the Stalinist were mortally wounded as they cruelly put down the Trotskyists In cluding Ta Thau, Huynh Van Phoung, Le Van Thu who organized and led the group La lutte and advocated the proletariat democracy and democratic central

태국어의 포합에 관한 연구

윤경원 ( Yun Gyeong Won )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  14권 1호, 2004 pp. 285-322 ( 총 38 pages)
7,800
초록보기
This thesis is a study of incorporation in Thai verbs. The Analysis is based on the approach proposed by Jeffrey S. Gruber. The study covers only the incorporation of nouns or prepositional phrases. The first aim of the study is to classify incorporation in Thai verbs. The second is to identify the cases which can be incorporated. The analysis shows that there are three types of incorporation; obligatory, optional, and conditional. The third type is added to the first two types given by Gruber. In regards to cases, it is found that five cases can be incorporated. They are instrumental, objective, locative, source, and goal. The study also shows that incorporation mostly occurs with specific nouns, which means that incorporation is idiosyncrasy of each verbs.
7,600
초록보기
본 논문은 인도네시아 북 술라웨시에 위치한 미나하사(Minahasa) 지역의 또모혼(Tomohon) 공동체에서 행한 1년간의 현지조사를 바탕으로 작성되었으며, 또모혼 지역에서 마을을 기반으로 이루어지는 교역활동에 대한 인류학적 사례연구이다. 논문의 내용을 요약하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 교역활동에 대한 다양한 이론들을 살펴보고 교역활동에 있어서 여성들의 지배적인 역할을 부연한다. 동시에, 교역활동에 대한 기존의 이론들과 또모혼에서 이루어지는 교역활동 사례들과 간략하게 비교하여 본다. 둘째, 이른바 ‘농업의 상품화’에 따른 교역활동의 역사적 발전을 심도 있게 알아본다. 네델란드 식민정부가 1830년 커피 강제재배 제도를 시행한 이래 또모혼의 농업은 다분히 환금(換金)작물 지향적으로 발전해 왔다. 이러한 과정에서 여성들의 경제활동은 환금작물 재배에서 멀어지게 되고, 여성들의 잉여 노동력은 교역활동에 투입되게 된다. 셋째, 또모혼 토착 경작 노동 체계인 ‘마빨루스 끄르자(mapalus kerja)의 통화(通貨)’와 또모혼 지역 교역활동 확장의 상관관계를 면면히 살펴본다. 경작 노동 체계의 통화화로 인하여 상대적으로 비효율적으로 간주되는 여성들의 노동력은 점차 토착 노동 체계에서 소외되게 되고 여성들의 노동력은 전통적인 경작활동에서 멀어지게 된다. 이러한 상황 하에서 여성들은 대한적인 경제활동으로서 교역활동에 종사하게 된다. 이러한 교역활동은 1997년 경제위기 이후에 더욱 가속화된다. 넷째, 또모혼 지역에서 이루어지는 교역활동의 패턴을 세분화해 본다. 우선, ‘띠보(tibo)’ 또는 ‘옵시(opsi)’라고 불리는 상인들의 교역활동과 토속음식 교역활동인 ‘까르링(katering)’을 살펴보고, 교역활동에 대한 기존의 유형화를 더욱 세분화하여 보충한다. 이어서 마을 안에서 이루어지는 영세상점 활동을 알아본다. 특히, 이부분에서는 교역활동에 대한 기존의 시장중심 연구의 문제점을 지적하고 마을중심 연구를 제안한다. 마지막으로, 본 논문은 앞의 논고를 종합하면서, 또모혼 지역의 상행위는 다분히 주변에서 일어나는 변증법적 사회·경제 변화 과정의 부산물이라고 피력한다.
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