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논문검색은 역시 페이퍼서치

동남아시아연구검색

The Southeast Asian Review


  • - 주제 : 사회과학분야 > 인문지리
  • - 성격 : 학술지
  • - 간기: 계간
  • - 국내 등재 : KCI 등재
  • - 해외 등재 : -
  • - ISSN : 1229-6899
  • - 간행물명 변경 사항 :
논문제목
수록 범위 : 22권 1호 (2012)

또 다른 식민성: 버마 종족 관계의 역사적 전개와 카렌족의 식민성 형성에 관한 연구

이상국 ( Sang Kook Lee )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  22권 1호, 2012 pp. 1-35 ( 총 35 pages)
7,500
초록보기
This study examines how non-resistant coloniality was historically formed, drawing on the case of the Karen in Burma. It criticizes that existing discussion on colonialism is preoccupied with locating colonial powers and subjects in antagonistic positions, only regarding the former as the oppressors, the latter as the resistants. In contrast, Homi Bhabha makes an attempt to overcome this binary approach by introducing ambivalence, mimicry and hybridity to show interactions between the two groups. However, this study reveals the limitations of Homi Bhabha`s approach since he is not exceptional in identifying colonial subjects as the resistants in the end. This study pays an attention to a particular context where the mimicry and hybridity of the Karen took shape and points out the importance of the understanding of the historical formation of coloniality in association with the Karen. For that reason, this study focuses on how non-resistant colonial subjects were formed, taking a close look at the pattern of ethnic relations in Burma over history. The purpose of this study is to deepen and expand the discourse of post-colonialism by revealing the different path of forming colonial subjects as non-resistant people.

미얀마 꺼잉족(Kayin)의 종족성 변화와 그 현대적 의미

김인아 ( In A Kim )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  22권 1호, 2012 pp. 37-85 ( 총 49 pages)
12,400
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초록보기
The purpose of this study is to examine the ethnicity of Kayin by the era and identify the people who can be classified as Kayin, nowadays. Specifically speaking, this study aims to review how the ethnicity of Kayin has been socially used in the relation between British colonial government and Burma, in accordance with the each era of the history of Myanmar (from dynasty era to modern times), and its results today. Kayin`s ethnic identity was formed through a complex social and historical process. When we think of Kayin, we come up with political ideology group, like ``KNU``, which was formed since the independence of Myanmar; and focus on the religious characteristics that they consist of the Christianity. The identify of Kayin, that refused to participate in the federal system; requested for the construction of an independent Kayin`s focused on Kayin ``people``; succeeded in militarization, has been often recognized limited to KNU and Christian. However, in fact, Kayin consists of various sub-groups as well as political ideology group like KNU`s Christian members. Their residential areas is diverse throughout the entire area of Myanmar, and there are huge differences in the tradition of material living, such as language, religion, food, clothing and shelter; and cultural difference like living economy, among themselves. Kayin`s residential quarters are widely scattered and the exercise of powers focused on Burma made the movement of Kayin`s the population frequently. Due to frequent population movements, Kayin had to face social and cultural environment and the new relationship with other tribes, when they settled down in the new places. It had the effect on the formation of Kayin`s ethnic identity and its changes. Such frequent population movements became the obstacles for Kayin to establish their own population area. Thus, It was almost impossible for Kayin to acquire the land, so that they could exercise autonomy, based on Kayin`s ethnicity. The majority of Kayin are still in the economic underclass. Most of them are engaged in small-scale hawking, simple manual works, driving and cleaning; living relatively underdeveloped life. Thus, having a status of Kayin, symbolizes poverty, cultural backwardness, and educational backwardness. So Kayin do not seem to need to acquire Kayin`s status. In case of Kayin, dwelling in central/southern area, they frequently come into contact with Burma through active economic activities, and they almost lost their identity, when the structural confrontation is removed and there is no cultural difference. However, Kayin, dwelling in the south eastern area where they had to acutely confronted, still have their identity. However, they are facing the situation in which they have to seek a new way to survive, because the structural confrontation is over, and they are having dual form of ethnic identity. They acquired the identity of Kayin and other tribes(mainly Burma) at the same time, and optionally selected their status. On the other hand, in case of Kayin in the norther area where there was no available transportation with other tribes, many of them recognize their ethnicity as new ethnicity which are totally different from their ethnicity. Especially, self-administered districts have been recently granted to Pao; and they are classified as different ethnic group from Kayin. Thus, today, Kayin has almost perished and only small number of Kayin barely keep their name.

인도네시아 바띡의 민족문화화 요인 고찰

이지혁 ( Ji Hyouk Lee )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  22권 1호, 2012 pp. 87-134 ( 총 48 pages)
12,300
초록보기
Almost all countries in South East Asia have their own traditional costumes but Indonesian batik has its differentiation in that it is still worn as daily clothes such as school uniform and formal attire for official meetings and has continuously adapted to rapidly changing environment. The previous researches on batik have been done in the field of each independent discipline such as traditional textile, art craft, dying method, and history. However, the studies on batik did not regard batik as a culture and did not have many interests in what factors make batik a dominant national culture in the modern society of Indonesia. This study, therefore, examines what factors make it possible for Indonesian batik culture to prevail in Indonesia without disconnection between the past and the present. This study investigates the two different factors, which are the driving force of turning batik into a national cultural identity. One is batik`s features, which are regarded as the internal factor; the definition of batik, the differences of batik patterns from region to region, batik`s commercial and cultural value. By studying the internal factor, this research gives an answer to why Indonesian nationalist leaders chose batik as Indonesia`s national identity among its enormous traditions. The other is nation-making process, which is regarded as the external factor. After the independence from Netherlands and Japan, the first president of Indonesia, Soekarno, made every effort to build up a nation-state by uniting more than 300 different ethnic groups living on the archipelago of the East India. In the course of the nation building, the president used batik, which was mainly practiced on Java, as a non-political ideology. The next president Soeharto also took advantage of batik in promoting homogeneity among his citizens. The theoretical framework for the analysis on the external factor is based on Foster`s three overlapping sets of keywords(1. imagination, invention, memory, 2. classification, knowledge, regulation, 3. commodification, diffusion, consumption), which shows the process of making national cultures. By comparing the process of batik`s becoming a national culture in Indonesia with Foster`s model, this study proves that Indonesia`s nation-making has had a great influence on batik`s turning into the spirit of Indonesia from the soul of Java, though there are some inconsiderable differences between Foster`s model and batik`s.

태국소설을 통해 본 태국 여성의 의식 변화: 1930-1970년대 소설을 중심으로

김영애 ( Young Aih Kim )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  22권 1호, 2012 pp. 135-175 ( 총 41 pages)
11,600
초록보기
The purpose of this research is to study the changing social status and role of Thai women in thai novels between 1920s - 1970s. Until the reign of Rama IV of Rattanakosin era, daughters were brought up to be good wives and mothers, strictly educated by their own parents. Daughters of the poor could be sold legally by their parents. Since 1860s the status of them was better because they had better education. Having the modern(european) education, this consciousness of women of daughters and wives have been changed, especially the consciousness on their rights and duties and social roles as a woman. They had self-confidence and had their own way of life. They dared to break some old tradition such as the arranged marriage by their parents without their consents, khlum thung chon. Then worked outside as a school teacher, secretary, writer, and other part-time works as money lender or land broker. Due to modernization and the founded democratic government in Thailand, women had changed to share activities in politics, too.

타일랜드 공공의료제도의 특성과 변화: 탁신정부의 전국민의료보장제도 성립 전후 비교

송경아 ( Kyung Ah Song )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  22권 1호, 2012 pp. 177-205 ( 총 29 pages)
6,900
초록보기
In 2001 election, Thaksin Shinawatra and his newborn Thai Rak Thai Party (TRT) made a campaign promise with a slogan called "30 baht cures all diseases." The coverage was finally extended nationwide with an enactment of the National Health Security Act in November 2002. Under the Universal Health Coverage Scheme (UCS), all Thai citizens became eligible for government-sponsored health service regardless of their income level, age, and place of residence. A comprehensive health care system is rare to find in Southeast Asia or any parts of the world, for such a scheme requires a strong financial commitment by the state and entails material interests of almost all people in the society. The health care institutions built under political contexts of a given country reveal a significant degree of influence that can either induce a specific path of development or restrict future political choices in regard to the pace and direction of policy change. In this sense, this paper first focuses on the enduring nature of the health care state in Thailand and then tries to provide explanations on the logic and working order of the public health care institutions before and after the Thaksin`s reform. As the provider, the Thai State has built health facilities and taken charge of the education and discipline of health workers. The number of public health facilities far outruns that of private facilities and health education is almost carried out by public universities. As the owner of hospitals and employer of doctors, the state has controlled over the occupational autonomy and collective influence of the professional health workforce. In addition, as the representatives of medical consumers, the state has directly taken responsibility for the welfare of its people by gradually expanding the benefit coverage to population. Thaksin and TRT made a transformation of the modern health care system in Thailand that has evolved over a century. However, the extent and scope of change was determined within the boundary of existing health infrastructures. The health reform was outlined in a direction that the state provided health services via contract with a hospital and an independent state organization checked the spending of health resources. Thaksin government successfully merged resources from four different health insurance schemes into the UCS to remove overlaps in coverage and guarantee a broader allocation of health resources to all segments of society.

말레이시아 공공부문 공동주택 계획의 특성 및 시대별 추이에 관한 연구

주서령 ( Seo Ryeung Ju ) , 전소영 ( So Young Jeon )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  22권 1호, 2012 pp. 207-245 ( 총 39 pages)
7,900
초록보기
With rapid industrialization and urbanization, numerous cities are faced with urban slum phenomenon combined with housing shortage fueled by population explosion. In Kuala Lumpur, the capital city of Malaysia, the government hereby embarked on supply of public housing to resolve such pending issue. This study aims to understand the periodic changes of public housing as a common basis for basic housing policies with analysis specific features of site plan, block layout, and unit plans. For this purposes, the filed survey during January, 2011 were proceeded. We hereby visited and surveyed a total of 40 apartment complexes for the 1970s~the 2000s (10 complexes respectively on a decade basis). Consequently, Malaysian public apartments prove to offer a very uniform pattern based upon standard plans. Their early plans aren`t fairly distincted from those of other countries, but their layouts of plan become differentiated compared with other nations as they actively apply a ventilator called ``air well`` in response to tropical climate amid the change of times. This study is expected to broaden our understanding of Malaysia`s unique housing culture and lifestyle.

한국의 동남아에 대한 직접투자가 교역에 미치는 영향 분석

김완중 ( Wan Joong Kim )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  22권 1호, 2012 pp. 249-277 ( 총 29 pages)
6,900
초록보기
The relationship between Korean FDI and trade to Southeast Asian countries depends on the types of trade. According to empirical study, although FDI increases her intra-industry trade to Southeast Asian countries, it decreases her inter-industry trade to them. The results are consistent to the international trade theories. The empirical results also show that Korean trade to Southeast Asian countries increases as her and their economic size get larger. Especially horizontal intra-industry trade responds positively to economic size shock. It is also found that Korea trades more with smaller countries rather than bigger countries in Southeast Asia. In addition, trade volume between Korea and Southeast Asian countries expands as their average per capita GDP increases. it is also found that Korea trades more with similar countries in the level of economic development. The most results are consistent to the intra-industry trade theories. But the results above depend on types of trade, horizontal intra-industry trade or vertical intra-industry trade.

한국의 대ASEAN 외교

서정인 ( Jeong In Suh )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  22권 1호, 2012 pp. 279-308 ( 총 30 pages)
7,000
초록보기
This article is aimed examining the relations between the Republic of Korea (ROK) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) over the past two decades since the establishment of ROK and ASEAN dialogue relations in 1989. With regard to the ROK`s perspective, ASEAN is not only a significant friend in ensuring peace and security on the Korean peninsula, but a major economic partner actively engaged in trade, investment, and construction. The ROK and ASEAN have frequently exchanged human resources, recording 4 million mutual visits per year. In particular, Korea`s enhanced brand image, due to the Hallyu (Korean Wave) within the ASEAN region, has enabled ASEAN`s preference for Korean mobile phones, electronic products, and durable goods to stand eminent. Over the past two decades, ASEAN-ROK relations have developed since the early establishment period and negotiations for a permanent consultative mechanism, followed by cooperation expansion and deepening stages. More importantly, in commemoration of the 20th anniversary of ASEAN-ROK dialogue relations, at the ASEAN-ROK Commemorative Summit in Jeju Island in June 2010, the ROK government initiated plans for development cooperation, low-carbon green growth, and cultural and human resources exchanges, which are the three main policies of the ROK government`s diplomacy toward ASEAN. In addition, at Hanoi ASEAN-ROK Summit in October 2010, it is noteworthy that the existing ASEAN-ROK comprehensive relations had been elevated to a strategic partnership. At present, ASEAN-ROK relations have been institutionalized, through 24 cooperation mechanism meetings on issues ranging from politics/security, economy, Information and Communication Technology (ICT) to transportation, the singing of the ASEAN-ROK FTA, and the establishment of the ASEAN-ROK Center. A representative mission to ASEAN in Jakarta is also planned for 2012. Following the Asian financial crisis in 1997, both the ROK and ASEAN have endeavored to expand cooperation at the East Asia level. Furthermore, the establishment of the ASEAN+3 has served as the most institutionalized mechanism in East Asia. The expansion of the East Asia Summit (EAS) by the accessionof the US and Russia has ushered in a new era in the history of the East Asia regional cooperation. At such time, a new vision would be necessary to guide the future of East Asia. In this regard, the ROK government will take the lead in submitting the EAVGII report to the ASEAN+3 Summit in 2012, successive to the 2001 EAVG report.
4,500
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참관기 : 2011 Southeast Asia Seminar 참관기

엄은희
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  22권 1호, 2012 pp. 317-323 ( 총 7 pages)
4,500
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