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논문검색은 역시 페이퍼서치

동남아시아연구검색

The Southeast Asian Review


  • - 주제 : 사회과학분야 > 인문지리
  • - 성격 : 학술지
  • - 간기: 계간
  • - 국내 등재 : KCI 등재
  • - 해외 등재 : -
  • - ISSN : 1229-6899
  • - 간행물명 변경 사항 :
논문제목
수록 범위 : 23권 1호 (2013)

필리핀 민주주의의 헌정공학: 권력공유, 책임성, 효율성, 안정성

김동엽 ( Dong Yeob Kim )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  23권 1호, 2013 pp. 1-44 ( 총 44 pages)
11,900
초록보기
This study examined the constitutional engineering of the Philippine democracy in terms of power sharing and accountability, and the effectiveness and stability of the Philippine democracy as a result were assessed. Based on the analysis, the nature of the present Philippine democratic system since 1986 was brought to light. This study argues that the system of power sharing between the President and the congress in the Philippines tends to serve for negotiating political interests among the power elites rather than functioning in a constructive way. And the public accountability system is not functioning as it was designed to do. Due to the defects the Philippine democracy continuously suffers the lack of political effectiveness and stability. Despite of the problem, the reason not to break down the system would be the fact that the system served for the oligarchic power elites to circulate and recreate the political power exclusively. The direction of the Philippine constitutional engineering should be weakening the present traditional elite dominated political system, and strengthening the chances of political participation from the various classes. Some concerned people suggested the constitutional change to parliamentary system in order to strengthening party politics, and federal system to cope with the problems of regional conflicts, but such efforts failed repeatedly due to the conflict of political interests. Considering the present circumstance, it would be advisable to reform political party law and election system in the direction of strengthening political party system, and to expand the scope of local government system in the direction of devolving the centralized political power.

태국 민주주의의 심화와 헌정공학

김홍구 ( Hong Koo Kim )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  23권 1호, 2013 pp. 45-87 ( 총 43 pages)
11,800
초록보기
This paper aims to study Thai democratic deepening and the constitutional engineering with the analytical concepts of ``power sharing`` and ``accountability`` focusing on the 1997 and 2007 Constitution. With regard to power sharing, the 1997 Constitution had the characteristics of majoritarian principle including a two-party system, strengthening of prime minister and the executive`s power etc. It enhanced significantly the aspects of accountability compared with the previous constitutions. The institutions such as Constitutional Court, Commission on Election, Administration Court, Commission on Human Right, Ombudsman, Commission on Anti-corruption, and the Measure for Anti-money Laundering were established by the 1997 Constitution. However, such empowered accountability system were often abused by the political power groups in the political process. The 2007 Constitution has the characteristics of consensual principle including a multiparty system, proportional representation system, weakened prime minister`s power, balancing of cabinet and parliament`s power, pushing ahead with decentralization. However, the consensual principle of the 2007 Constitution came, in part, from the factional interests. It is similar to the 1997 Constitution in terms of accountability system, which enhanced in law but abused often in practice. One of the critical reasons for the failure of the 1997 and 2007 constitutions to consolidate democratic system was the political game played around the so-called network for the monarchy composed by the military, the civilian bureaucracy, Constitutional Court and the privileged classes. The future of the Thai democratic deepening depends on the constitutional engineering in which the factional interests should be excluded, and the rules of power sharing and accountability which traditionally played around the network for the monarchy should be effectively institutionalized.

포스트-탁신 시대의 "붉은셔츠"; 이념, 조직, 행동

박은홍 ( Eun Hong Park )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  23권 1호, 2013 pp. 89-126 ( 총 38 pages)
7,800
초록보기
The Red shirts came to attract attention of the international community during April to May in 2010 by successfully organizing explosive popular demonstrations. The momentum was the military coup on September 9, 2006. The Red color was chosen amid movements against the new constitution instituted under the military junta. In discourse struggles, the Red shirts compared their resistance against the Democratic Party government lead by Abhisit Vejjajiva to that of phrai (commoner or serfs) against ammart (aristocrats or bureaucrats) under the pre-modern reign of sakdina. The Red shirts strongly accused Prem Tinsulanonda, the chief of the Privy Council, of being a mastermind of 2006 military coup, who symbolically represents the cohesion between the palace and the military. It has constituted an unprecedented defiance towards national taboo where the trinity of Nation, Religion, and King has been consecrated. The objective of this article is to review the Red Shirts` ideology, organizations and activities in terms of the modernized phrai`s struggles for expanding counter-hegemony. While Antonio Gramsci focused on why socialist revolution had failed to materialize in capitalist Western Europe, I pay attention to why political liberalism has failed to wash away pre-modernity and take root in capitalist Thailand, applying the Gramscian concept of hegemony by contrasting ``hybrid ammart`` with ``modernized phrai``.

말레이시아에서의 불평등과 빈곤

이양호 ( Yang Ho Hee )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  23권 1호, 2013 pp. 127-167 ( 총 41 pages)
11,600
초록보기
This paper aims to analyse the inequality and poverty in Malaysia.Malaysia is considered to be a country of high inequality and high poverty according to the Asian Development Bank. To tackle the income inequality and poverty in Malaysia, especially after the incident of ethnic riot in 1969, the government pursued to implement the affirmative action for the benefit of bumiputra. Recognizing the fact that the economic factors are crucial in determining the levels of inequality and poverty, this paper analyses the historical, institutional and cultural factors and evaluates the affirmative action designed to reduce the income gap between bumiputra and non-bumiputra.

이순원의 얼굴 과 윈 리어우와린의 랏 엑까텟의 세 가지 세상 에 나타난 폭력과 감정

최난옥 ( Nan Oak Choi )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  23권 1호, 2013 pp. 169-194 ( 총 26 pages)
6,600
초록보기
A Korean writer, Yi Soonwon`s The Face and a Thai writer, Win Lyovarin`s Three Worlds of Rat Ekathet symbolize into literature the historical demonstration which occurred in Korea and Thailand. Comparing the characters in these two works, we come to the conclusion that the background in which people use violence strongly relates with their emotion. The character in The Face commit emotional violence in which receiving education and training and having jostled situation were sprouted as hostility. On the other hand, the characters in Three Worlds of Rat Ekathet show the difference in the sense that they feel a pleasant sensation when they use violence, intoxicated in the power of violence. One thing that two works have in common is that people committing a sin suffer from a guilty conscience and guilty fears when we see the way to treat them. It is how psychological punishment is made by their own. In The Face, the character suffers from psychological punishment in the fear that the other may be aware of his past record when we see the difference to deal with emotional violence. That who committed violence not to be able to open up honorably can never be free from the judgement of conscience out of the law and the sense of guilt continues for his life. However, emotional punishment made by a guilty conscience in Three Worlds of Rat Ekathet has the limited period if sinners make the process of purification which means not committing a fault again. The ultimate way of treating those who committed violence is to forgive them with love and is the process of purification to change violence into non-violence.

자바 마을의 루꾼과 아닷; 자바 문화 이해를 위한 영토성 모델 제안

조윤미 ( Youn Mee Cho )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  23권 1호, 2013 pp. 195-234 ( 총 40 pages)
8,000
초록보기
Javanese culture has been perceived as peace-oriented and conflict-avoiding in both academic studies and local people`s discourses, and this perception has been crystallized in the “rukun model” for understanding Javanese culture. But in reality, although the rukun values have been internalized in Javanese mindset, violence has never ceased in Javanese society and even seems more widespread in the Indonesian reform era. Based on this understanding, this paper reveals the limitations of peace-oriented rukun model which cannot explain conflict and violence, and instead suggests an alternative “territorial model” which can involve both peace and conflict. For that purpose, the author examines aspects of territoriality embedded in three components of Javanese villages: people, territory, and adat, and argues that territoriality works as the principle of organizing and managing Javanese society, as shown in their social stratum and various cultural practices as well as the way morality and justice are defined. By theorization of territorial model, we can understand rukun values and adat from a new perspective and thus achieve a more complete understanding of Javanese culture.

미얀마 여카잉 무슬림(로힝자)의 딜레마 재고(再考); 종교기반 종족분쟁의 배경과 원인

박장식 ( Jang Sik Park )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  23권 1호, 2013 pp. 235-276 ( 총 42 pages)
11,700
초록보기
Recent incidents of lethal violence in the Rakhine State of Myanmar between the majority Buddhist Rakhine and the Muslim Rohingya have been the source of much concern for the international community. Unlike the past, the killings and incendiary attacks by both communities have intensified to a critical level, proving to be a great liability for the forward-thinking Myanmar government, whose recent transition to civilian rule after a long military one has made it eager to move on. The roots of the conflict trace back to the military regime, who branded the Rohingyas living in Rakhine state as illegal immigrants and refused to confer upon them official recognition as Myanmar citizens. The discord then moved to an ethnic conflict, pitting the Rohingya not merely against the Myanmar government but rather the majority Buddhist Rakhine. The conflict, as it has developed into the present, is an immensely complicated one that simultaneously encompasses ethnic and religious issues, all intertwined together. This study aims to see how the two ethnic groups have come to resort to such violence, despite having lived in each other`s presence for many centuries, and why the violence persists. It will attempt to reconcile the fact that Rakhine had historically been a place of convergence for two groups, the Buddhist Rakhine and the Rakhine Muslim(the Rohingya). Based on the argument, this study also seeks to uncover, identify, and understand the Rohingya identity with the extreme arguments exhibited by both sides, and from there, locate the underlying causes of the greater religio-ethnic conflict in Rakhine that has so ravaged the place as of recent.

동남아시아의 한류: 싱가포르의 경우를 중심으로

심두보 ( Doo Bo Shim )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  23권 1호, 2013 pp. 277-311 ( 총 35 pages)
7,500
초록보기
한류에 대한 기존언론보도 및 연구경향은 다음과 같이 요약된다. 중국·일본 및 서구에서의 한류현상에 대한 편중된 관심과 한류분석틀로서 문화근접성이론에 대한 지나친 의존이다. 이러한 상황은 한류현상에 대한 객관적인 인식과 경험적인 분석을 방해하고 있다. 이러한 문제의식에 기초한 본 연구는 동남아시아, 특히 싱가포르의 한류현상에 대한 분석을 통해보다 객관적이고 다각화된 한류연구를 모색한다. 지리적으로 동남아시아에 위치하고 있지만 문화적으로 동북아시아적 요소를 포괄하고 있는 싱가포르는 아시아 내 초 국적 대중문화교통을 연구하는데 있어 전략적으로 중요한 공간이다. 본 논문은 싱가포르의 한국대중문화 수용자들에 대한 포커스그룹 인터뷰, 문헌조사와 참여관찰을 통해 한류형성의 이유 및 한류팬덤이라는 문화적 실천이 갖는 의미를 탐구한다. 수용자에 대한 분석은 그가 배치된 싱가포르 미디어구조에 대한 역사적, 기술적, 정치경제적 맥락화를 통해보다 체계화된다. 본 연구를 통해 동남아시아에서 발견되고 있는 “외래문화 수용의 진부화”(banalization of foreign cultural reception)라는 상황이 동남아시아 내 한류전개에 중요한 영향을 끼쳤으며, 동남아시아 미디어산업의 저개발상황이 한국대중문화수용에 우호적 조건으로 작용했음을 확인 할 수 있었다. 마지막으로, 연구자는 동아시아 내 문화교통의연속성(continuum of cultural traffic within East Asia)안에 한류연구를 배치할 것을 제시한다.
12,500
초록보기
중국의 위안화 국제화(지역화)는 중국경제의 성장 및 중국정부의 전략적, 정책적 지원에 따라 가속화되고 있다. 특히 최근 ASEAN과 중국 간 경제통합이 빠르게 진행됨에 따라 동남아시아 지역에서 중국 위안화의 유통이 확대되고 있다. 본 논문은 이러한 위안화 유통의 확대와 관련하여 위안화 국제화(지역화)가 동남아시아 국가들의 환율정책에 미치는 영향을 분석하고자 한다. 동 지역에서 위안화의 유통의 확대(위안화 국제화)가 유의미하다면 달러화 대비 위안화 환율과 달러화 대비 동남아시아 개별국가통화 환율 간에 인과적 관계를 보일 것이다. 왜냐하면 환율정책의 중요한 목적 중 하나는 환율의 안정적 운영인데 환율결정에 있어 위안화의 비중이 크다면 그만큼 달러화 대비 개별국가통화 간 환율의 영향도 커지기 때문이다. 본 논문은 이러한 가설을 바탕으로 두 환율변수 간 공적분 분석 등 계량분석을 통해 가설검정을 실시하였다. 분석 결과 2008년 글로벌금융위기 이전(2005.8~2008.6)에는 두 환율변수 간 동조화 현상이 나타나는데 비해 그 이후(2010.7~2012.6)는 비동조화 현상이 나타나는 것으로 나타났다. 이는 2010년 이후 유럽의 재정 위기 등 글로벌 경기침체로 인해 동남아시아 국가들의 환율 정책 우선순위가 환율의 안정적 운영에서 경기회복을 위한 수출증가 및 이를 위한 개별국가 통화의 환율절하로 전환하였음을 의미한다고 할 수 있다. 또한 중국과의 국경무역 등 경제적 영향이 상대적으로 큰 GMS(라오스, 미얀마, 베트남)국가들의 경우 그 외 아세안 7개국들에 비해 두 환율변수 간 동조화 현상이 강하게 나타나는 것으로 분석되었다. 이는 이들 국가들이 상대적으로 기타 국가들에 비해 위안화 국제화에 대한 민감도가 높다는 것을 의미한다. 향후 동남아시아 국가들의 경기가 회복되고 위안화의 국제화가 가속되면 두 환율 간 동조화 기조는 강화될 것으로 예상된다.
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