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논문검색은 역시 페이퍼서치

동남아시아연구검색

The Southeast Asian Review


  • - 주제 : 사회과학분야 > 인문지리
  • - 성격 : 학술지
  • - 간기: 계간
  • - 국내 등재 : KCI 등재
  • - 해외 등재 : -
  • - ISSN : 1229-6899
  • - 간행물명 변경 사항 :
논문제목
수록 범위 : 24권 1호 (2014)

동경의 베트남 학생들, 1906-1909

연식 ( Jeong )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  24권 1호, 2014 pp. 1-43 ( 총 43 pages)
11,800
초록보기
1905년에 시작된 베트남 동유운동의 목적은 베트남의 젊은이들을 일본에서 공부시켜 독립과 근대화를 이끌 인재를 양성하는 것이었다. 그러나 1908년 일본 정부의 강제 출국 조치로 인해 동유운동이 중단됨으로써 목표했던 바를 이루는 데 실패한 것으로 평가되고 있다. 하지만 다른 시각에서 본다면 200여 명의 베트남 학생들이 수년간 유학을 한 결과가 어떠한 형태로든 베트남 근대사에 족적을 남겼을 것이라고 추측하는 것도 가능하다. 그간의 연구는 동유운동을 주도했던 판보이쩌우(Phan B.i Chau)에 집중함으로써 학생들의 면면에 대해서는 크게 알려진 바가 없다. 이 연구는 당시 일본으로 유학했던 학생들에게 초점을 두어 그들이 누구인지 무엇을 공부했는지,또한 당시 사회주의 사상 전파의 중심이었으며 아시아 각국의 혁명가들이 집결해있던 동경에서 학생들은 어떤 영향을 받고 어떻게 연계되었는지에 대해서 살펴보았다. 학생들 대부분은 동아 동문서원이라는 중국인 유학생 예비학교의 특별반에서 일본어와 기초적인 초등교육 과목을 이수하는 데 그쳤고 단 세 명의 학생만이 군사예비학교인 진무학교를 졸업할 수 있었다. 즉 고등교육을 받은 학생은 전무했던 것이다. 강제 출국되기까지 그 기간이 짧았던 것이 가장 큰 원인임에 분명하지만 한편으로는 동 유운동 자체가 철저히 준비되고 계획되지 않았던 점도 실패의 주요원인으로 꼽을 수 있다. 특히 학생 선발에 대한 규정 없이 기본적으로 누구든지 수용함으로써 학생들의 절대다수가 10대 초 중반이 되는 결과를 낳았다. 이는 독립과 혁명을 위한 인재 양성이라는 취지와 관계없이 다수의 학부모들이 동유운동을 단순히 자녀교육의 수단으로 이용했기 때문이다. 또한 이들을 입학시킬 학교 섭외조차 되지 않았고, 그 결과 전적으로 일본 내 조력자들의 호의에 의지해 동아동 문서원에 설치된 베트남 학생들만을 위한 특별반에 만족해야 했다. 따라서 대부분의 베트남 학생들은 일본에서 공부했지만 실제로는 고립된 상태에서 외부세계를 경험할 수 없었고, 그렇다 하더라도 당시의 혁명적 사상을 이해하거나 수용하기에는 부족한 나이였다. 요컨대 동유운동의 실패는 그 기간이 짧았기 때문만이 아니라 그 짧은 기간 내에서도 교육의 질적 수준이 낮았다는 데에서도 그 원인을 찾을 수 있다. 일본에 유학했던 베트남 학생들의 전체 명단은 현재 실종된 것으로 보이며 다만 산발적인 정보를 종합하여 약 20여 명에 관한 성명과 간단한 정보를 파악할 수 있었다. 이 정보와 더불어 추후 더 많은 기록이 발굴된다면 베트남 현대사에서 그들의 이름이 등장하는지 다시 한 번 확인하고 재평가할 수 있을 것이다.

말레이시아 선거권위주의체제의 변화 가능성: 13대 총선을 중심으로

인원 ( Won In )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  24권 1호, 2014 pp. 45-87 ( 총 43 pages)
11,800
초록보기
This study traces the possibility of political change in the Malaysian electoral history, especially by focusing on the 13th general election held in May 2013. The results of the 13th general election was another turning point in the history of Malaysia`s electoral politics. Following after the 12th general election held in 2008, opposition coalition(PR) achieves a remarkable electoral result by obtaining over 50% of the total votes. Opposition parties also successfully collapsed the ruling coalition(BN)`s two-third majority in parliamentary. It was de-facto defeat of the ruling coalition and victory of the opposition coalition. More precisely, the 2013 election results show that the reformasi movement, which was active in 1998-99 period, are still alive and its impact on Malaysian electoral politics get stronger. Malaysia has long been considered as a typical electoral authoritarian regime since its independence in 1957. It is because that there has been negative relations between electoral politics and political change through out its electoral history. As shown in the most recent two general elections held in 2008 and 2013, however, Malaysia`s hegemonic political system can be possibly changed through electoral politics. This article examines the detailed results of the series of post-reformarsi general elections(1999, 2004, 2008, 2013) and its political implications towards the nexus of electoral politics and political change under the electoral authoritarian regime in Malaysia.

말레이시아 이슬람 경제의 대두: 금융과 소비 영역을 중심으로

선호 ( Ho Sun )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  24권 1호, 2014 pp. 89-132 ( 총 44 pages)
11,900
초록보기
This study examined Islamic economy of Malaysia. In this process, Islamic economy was classified two fields such as finance and consumption. In finance, this study focuses on development of Islamic banking, Islamic insurance(Takaful) and Islamic capital market and institutional support of Malaysia. In consumption, this study focuses on halal industry and halal certification system of Malaysia. As a result, two fields of Islamic economy in Malaysia are growing up more systematic and extensive than before. Because interest in Islam finance and style is increasing and government of Malaysia has been giving support to these fields. That is, Malaysia is aimed at global hub of Islamic finance and giving various supports to financial field. Indeed, Malaysia is making effort to internationalization and development of halal industry. From these active supports of Malaysia, Islamic economics of Malaysia will be developed and Malaysia will be a leader of Islamic economy in the world.

필리핀 방사모로 이슬람 자치지역의 개발정책수립을 위한 제언

( Lyol Lee ) , 방인성 ( In Sung Bang )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  24권 1호, 2014 pp. 133-190 ( 총 58 pages)
13,300
초록보기
We have examined its current economic conditions and status of the Bangsamoro in Mindanao and derived some important policy recommendation to build the future development plan. For this purpose, we first estimate the economic size and GRDP per capita and investigate next several economic and social indicators such as poverty rate and industrial structure. We find that the Bangsamoro is the least developed region in Philippines whose average income is the lowest and whose poverty rate is the highest in the Philippines. In addition, its industrial structure is very falling behind. Applying simple theory of economic growth, we find that several economic reasons such as lack of private and public investment caused by the political instability, high illiterate rate and less education, incapability of local government account for it. As a result, several policy recommendations are suggested to make the development plan of the Bangsamoro. First, the plan should be very comprehensive and second, it should be a very sustainable one equipped with the long run one and short run one. Third, the plan should be harmonized with that of the central government and those of neighboring local governments. Fourth, it should exploit the assistance of international development organization.
7,100
초록보기
South Sumatra`s capital, Palembang, has long maintained a river-oriented transportation system. With road transportation`s increased importance for exploiting natural resources, however, hundreds of roads have been constructed since the Dutch colonial period. This article examines how the construction of roads and bridges affected people`s lives and social networks in Palembang, and what social and political significance it has in the context of a region in the postcolonial Indonesia, with a focus on the huge river called the Musi River, which horizontally crosses the city. After independence, there has been strong aspiration to link these two parts by road, and in 1965 the Musi Bridge (then the Sukarno Bridge) over the river was eventually opened. The construction of the bridge apparently initiated socioeconomic transformations and development in the region, including Ulu (the southern river bank)`s rapid urbanization. However, the features of regional development actually were prerequisites for "national" development. The regional development was impossible without financial support from the central government, and the local or regional aspiration for development was often supported only when it fitted with national envision. The Musi Bridge was a model case that fitted with such national envision. While it was the symbol of regional development, it was also celebrated as an exemplary sign of "national" development, by both Sukarno`s government and Suharto`s New Order regime. By analyzing the discussions and discourses regarding the Musi project since early 1950s, in addition to its social and economic impact after the construction, this article explores the continuities and changes in the roles and significance of the (construction of the) Musi Bridge with the changing political backstops in both regimes. Together with it, this article also aims to reexamine the interplay between "the national" and "the regional" in the prevalent aspiration for the national and regional "development" throughout the 1950s and 1960s.

Squatters into Citizens

( Suryomenggolo )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  24권 1호, 2014 pp. 223-225 ( 총 3 pages)
1,000
키워드보기
초록보기
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