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논문검색은 역시 페이퍼서치

동남아시아연구검색

The Southeast Asian Review


  • - 주제 : 사회과학분야 > 인문지리
  • - 성격 : 학술지
  • - 간기: 계간
  • - 국내 등재 : KCI 등재
  • - 해외 등재 : -
  • - ISSN : 1229-6899
  • - 간행물명 변경 사항 :
논문제목
수록 범위 : 24권 4호 (2014)

한국의 대(對)동남아 수출과 수출결정요인의 장기적 균형관계 분석

김완중 ( Wan Joong Kim )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  24권 4호, 2014 pp. 1-31 ( 총 31 pages)
7,100
초록보기
This paper shows that overall Korean exports to southeast Asian countries have long-run equilibrium relationship with its determinants such as trading partners` real GDP, real exchange rates, Korean FDI to those countries, and Korean production capacity. The results are consistent to the international trade theories. According to the results, Korean exports to those countries increases in the long-run as their real GDP, real exchange rates, Korean FDI to those countries, and Korean production capacity increases. The empirical results also show that estimated coefficients of the export determinants are not common for all interesting trading partners. To say, elasticities such as income elasticities and exchange rates elasticities of Korean exports to those countries are different for each trading partner. It seems that heterogeneous coefficients of export determinants reflect the differences in industrial structure and final demand structure of trading partners.

필리핀의 이주자 가족구성원의 경제인식에 대한 연구

오윤아 ( Yoon Ah Oh )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  24권 4호, 2014 pp. 33-62 ( 총 30 pages)
7,000
초록보기
이 연구는 필리핀의 사례를 이용하여 이주와 시민 개개인의 정치행태를 연결하는 중요한 매개변수인 경제인식(economic assessments)이 가족구성원의 해외노동 여부에 따라 어떻게 달라지는지를 분석한다. 국제이주자의 본국가족들은 가족구성원의 이주의 결과 해외송금이라는 경제적 자원을 획득하게 되는데, 해외송금의 규모와 안정성으로 인해 이주가구는 국내경제환경으로 비이주가구에 비해 상대적으로 절연되게 된다. 이로 인해 이주자 가족들은 자신들의 경제상황과 국내 경제상황에 대해 비이주자가족과 다른 평가를 내릴 수 있다. 실증분석에서는 경제투표 문헌에 따라 개인경제, 국가경제, 회고적 인식, 전망적 인식의 요인들을 결합한 네 가지 유형의 가설을 살펴본다. 분석결과에 따르면 이주자가족의 경우 국가경제에 대한 회고적 경제인식은 비이주자가족 보다 부정적으로, 개인경제에 대한 전망적 경제인식은 보다 긍정적으로 평가하고 있는 것으로 나타난다. 이 결과는 이주자가족들의 정치적 행태를 이해하기 위한 사전 단계로서 경제인식을 분석했다는 점에서 의미가 있으며, 이주가 필리핀 사회에 미치는 영향이 기존의 경제적, 사회적 측면보다 보다 광범위할 수 있음을 시사한다.

토착적 협업: 1885-1886년 미얀마 의회(Hluttaw) 사례

묘우 ( Oo Myo )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  24권 4호, 2014 pp. 63-94 ( 총 32 pages)
7,200
초록보기
이 연구는1886년 상부미얀마의 미얀마의회(흘룻또) 사례연구를 통해 미얀마 상류층의 협력을 재검토한 것이다. 제 3차 영국-미얀마 전쟁(1885) 이후 띠보(Thibaw)왕이 인도로 유배되었지만, 상류층으로 구성된 미얀마의회는 1995년 12월부터 1996년 3월 31일까지 4개월간 매일 심의를 지속할 수 있었다. 미얀마 역사편찬에 있어서 포스트 식민지는 주요한 역할을 해 왔는데, 특히 독립 미얀마에서 토착민의 협력은 이러한 관점과 동떨어진 것은 아니다. 이 연구에서는 전쟁이후 즉시 미얀마의 상류층이 영국 식민당국에 협력한 자취를 역사적으로 검증했다. 미얀마 의회의 사례를 바탕으로 상부 미얀마에서 식민성의 역사 형성을 이해하는 것이 이 연구의 목적이다.

인도네시아의 새로운 산림 거버넌스: KPH와 지역사회의 산림 파트너십

장상경 ( Sang Kyung Jang ) , 배재수 ( Jae Soo Bae )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  24권 4호, 2014 pp. 95-145 ( 총 51 pages)
12,600
초록보기
The size of tropical forests in Indonesia is the third largest in the world. Approximately 70 million people, or 28% of the population of Indonesia, rely on the Indonesian forests for their livelihood. The Indonesian forest has been a place to live as well as a means of livelihood to local people. It has also been a way to bolster the insufficient national finances of the government. Today the Indonesian forest is degrading at its fastest pace in history, exacerbated by conflict of interests between local communities and the government. The Indonesian government faces a range of alarming challenges including guaranteeing local communities the right to use forests, while also ensuring sustainable forest management. Based on these observations, this paper focuses on KPHs (Forest Management Units) and Kemitraan (Forest Partnership), which are expected to be integral to the new system of governance for forests in Indonesia. The Indonesian government initiated the KPH system to delineate areas of jurisdiction over forests by management units, and to manage forests by forest management plan submitted by KPH. In addition, the Indonesian government initiated the Kemitraan system to manage forests and redistribute profits between concession holders and local communities, through contractual arrangements. KPHs maintain an understanding with local communities: KPHs secure management funds via Kemitraan for local communities in special areas (wilayah tertentu) for which concessions have never been issued, while local communities undertake to live and work in forests in sustainable ways. The merits of the Kemitraan system lie in the simplicity of its permit issuance procedure and reduction of transaction costs, compared to other systems like HKm (Community Forest) or HD (Village Forest). To fully enact the Kemitraan system between KPHs and local communities, national legislation would need to be reformed, in order to expand the tracts of potentially usable forest for local communities, and also to expand KPH’s authority by including non-concession areas to the range of special areas. Alternative plans should also be prepared in anticipation of financial problems such as insufficient funding. REDD+ financial support from developed countries can be one source of such alternative funding.

필리핀 방사모로 이슬람 정당의 장래: 라나오 델 수르의 옴피아당이 남긴 교훈을 중심으로

김동엽 ( Dong Yeob Kim )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  24권 4호, 2014 pp. 147-194 ( 총 48 pages)
12,300
초록보기
This study assessed the future of the newly emerging Bangsamoro Islam political party as an outcome of the Comprehensive Agreement on Bangsamoro (CAB) signed by the Philippine Government and Moro Islamic Liberation Front. The CAB will create a semi-independent Bangsamoro government under the principle of one-state-two-systems. The Bangsamoro government will be the parliamentary system where the role of political parties becomes particularly important. Upon the backdrop of the political change, this article tried to draw a lesson from the experience of the Ompia party, which was established earlier to reform the corrupt traditional local politics in Lanao Del Sur. Upon studying, it was observed that the Ompia party failed to reform the local politics. Instead it simply followed the step of the traditional local politics by relying on the personality rather than ideology and seeking the patronage of the central politicians rather than the grass-root support. The Ulama, the leading group of the Ompia party, failed to exhibit its political capacity to deal with the secular conflict of interests. It was mainly due to the centralized political system of the Philippines, the exclusiveness of party membership structure, and the socioeconomic condition of the constituencies. Despite the failure of the Ompia party, it is undeniable that the Ulama is the only democratic alternative to the corrupted traditional local politics in the newly emerging Bangasamoro politics. The CAB would provide a different political environment that the Ompia party should have adjusted. Based on the lesson from the case of Ompia party, the newly emerging Bangsamoro Islam political party should capitalize this opportunity to establish the mass based democratic party structure, and to promote the socioeconomic development of the constituencies.
11,900
초록보기
While natural and ecological integration in the Mekong River basin were well-sustained for thousands of years, for now being segmented by 6 national borders, the cost and benefit of the Mekong River development was divided with asymmetry structure. There have been serious controversies and conflicts among Mekong River riparian states with regard to various kind of the Mekong development, especially on the construction of hydropower dam in the Mekong mainstream. Recently the issues were even more complicated by the participation of private enterprises and Non-government organization(NGO). The article makes effort to synthesize the benefits and costs of each stakeholder who is participating in the Mekong hydropower development. Thus, this study attempts to make different research outcomes with the existing studies, observing the each and all perspectives of states, civil society, international organizations and enterprises on Mekong River development with objective descriptions. Then it analyses to recognize with balanced perspective what the essence and current affairs is on the Mekong River hydropower development. The article will also examines the distinct standpoints of each stakeholder groups, whether the support or oppositions on the Mekong River development, that were the states`` development strategy, economic interests, political power, environmental considerations and the rights to live of local residents in the River.

스페인 식민지 시기의 필리핀에서의 중국계 메스티조(Mestizo de Sanglay)의 등장과 역할

이덕훈 ( Duk Hoon Lee )
한국동남아학회|동남아시아연구  24권 4호, 2014 pp. 239-280 ( 총 42 pages)
11,700
초록보기
Chinese merchants were around before Philippines became a Spanish colony, but became prominent during the Manila Galleon Trade. The Manila Galleons (Galeon de Manila) were Spanish trading ships that sailed once or twice per year across the Pacific Ocean between Manila in Spanish East Indies (present day-Philippines), and Acapulco, New Spain (present-day Mexico). The trade can be called global since it involved Chinese silk and Spanish silver from China and Latin America. This study analyzes the role of merchant activities of ethnic Chinese in the Manila Galleon Trade of 1571-1815 during Spanish Colonial rule. Economic activity during the period suggests that the Chinese Mestizo were capable of distribution, trade, and finance and that they acted as mediators between the farming and fishing Indio (native Filipinos) and the trading and financing Spanish. From the Spanish Government`s perspective, the Chinese (special foreigners) were able to assimilate into the Chinese Mestizo. They later adapted to the Catholic culture of Spain to emerge as a leading group of the Philippines.
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