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논문검색은 역시 페이퍼서치



  • - 주제 : 어문학분야 > 중어중문학
  • - 성격 : 학술지
  • - 간기: 계간
  • - 국내 등재 : KCI 등재
  • - 해외 등재 : -
  • - ISSN : 1226-2943
  • - 간행물명 변경 사항 :
수록 범위 : 99권 0호 (2019)

《고사변(古史辨)·제이책(第二冊)》에 나타난 ‘효(孝)’ 담론

안용수 ( An Yoongsoo )
한국중국어문학회|중국문학  99권 0호, 2019 pp. 1-20 ( 총 20 pages)
In this paper, I will argue about the discourse about the image of Kongzi in Gushibian(古史辨) vol. 2. In the 1920s, many Chinese intellectuals think that the Confucius ritualism(lijiaozhuyi, 禮敎主義) is depressing Chinese people and a whole society. To dismantle Confucius ritualism, intellectuals who participated in Gushibian Vol. 2 made two attempts. Firstly, they tried to disassemble the connection between Chinese classics and Kongzi. Secondly, they tried to disassemble the connection of Kongzi and the concept of filial piety(xiao, 孝). Specifically, I will focus on the second attempt in this paper.

만문(滿文) 일기 《한창록몽(閒窓錄夢)》을 통해 본 보오이(booi)의 삶과 정체성

최형섭 ( Choi Hyoungseob )
한국중국어문학회|중국문학  99권 0호, 2019 pp. 21-40 ( 총 20 pages)
In this article, I intended to examine the life and identity of a Booi(包衣) by analyzing Mu Qixian(穆齊賢)’s diary Xianchuanglumeng(閒窓錄夢, abbreviated as Xianchuang). Xianchuang was originally written in Manchu language, was translated into Chinese language in 2011. It contained records of about four years(1828, 1829, 1830, and 1835), showing the images of Beijing in the period of the Daoguang(道光) emperor(1821-1850). Mu’s original family register was Penglai(蓬萊) county in Shandong(山東) province, but he was born and grew in Beijing. He was from Han Chinese, but was separately registered on Manchu Bordered Blue Banner(鑲籃旗滿洲). he belonged to the Booi class under the command of Booi Banner Captain(包衣佐領). He served as a bureaucrat in the Prince Dun Mansion(惇親王府) and Prince Dun’s villa Handeyuan(涵德園). Prince Dun was just named Miankai(綿愷, 1795-1838), and honored as Prince Dun of the first rank. Mu Qixian also opened a school to teach students in the Temple of the Past-Ages Emperors. Subsequently, he was deprived of Manchu household register, became a civilian(民人) and was incorporated into the register of Shuntian fu(順天府). Mu Qixian represented a relatively ordinary Booi class in Qing dynasty. I here attempted to discuss the status and identity of a Han Booi, focusing on Mu’s case. From the three aspects of the residential areas, the institutions, and the objects of social intercourse, we can see that he was placed in a intermediate position between the Manchu and the Han Chinese. He had an ambiguous identity, because he lost his identity and status as Han Chinese despite being a Han Chinese, and also could not completely become the Manchu.

여서창(黎庶昌)의 서양 서술과 여행의 발견―《서양잡지(西洋雜志)》를 중심으로

백광준 ( Baek Kwang-joon )
한국중국어문학회|중국문학  99권 0호, 2019 pp. 41-60 ( 총 20 pages)
Li Shuchang(1837-1891) participated in the diplomatic envoys in Europe in 1876, and wrote a book during his stay abroad, namely, "Western Magazine." The book has many views on the West. In particular, he has traveled several times during the period, while leaving a few travel writing. It can be said that travel is an important subject of the book. It is worth mentioning that his narrative style has a major feature, that is, the main location and distance are clearly indicated. And he sorted out the information about geographical position from those books, which shows that he attached great importance to geography. It also cannot be neglected that the vocabulary of “traveling” in above context, we can deduce that he identified “traveling” with “detective” at the time, which also continued to influence the later travels of Li Shuchang. What is also to be said is that compared with the initial travels, the later travel writings are very different, mainly because the private character are stronger. So far, most of the research on "Western Magazine" has been based on the situation in China at that time, and it has been linked with the Westernization Movement. This paper mainly examines the narrative and changes of his travel writings and concludes that although China Some changes in modernization have indeed been carried out in political and diplomatic aspects, and they are reflected in the book, but at the same time, changes in personal feelings and writing also tell us about the arrival of modernization. This is also worthy of attention.

소설로서의 《오월춘추(吳越春秋)》 연구―작품에 나타난 서술 분석을 통하여

김영식 ( Kim Young Sik )
한국중국어문학회|중국문학  99권 0호, 2019 pp. 61-85 ( 총 25 pages)
這篇論文原來開始了於一個把 《吳越春秋》想看成小說書的意圖。以成就那個目的的方法, 我在這兒分析了 《吳越春秋》裏面的各種敍述表現。 《吳越春秋》的作者通過史實的記述不但追究了歷史的知識跟敎訓而且通過表現的方法注重了構思與小說一樣的文體。所以作者的敍述表現在硏究 《吳越春秋》方面上不得不重視。我發見了 《吳越春秋》裏面的重要的敍述方法如下。 第一, 作者運用了各種修辭法。作者爲了 《吳越春秋》的文學的表現使用了如隱喩法·直喩法·諷喩法·誇張法·漸層法等等的各種修辭。 第二, 作者運用了很多的對話。連續不斷的對話使文章具有展開事件的功能。此外, 我發見了對話的使用讓讀者把握人物的性格。 第三, 作者多用了細密化的表現。描寫, 特別是人物描寫與場面描寫, 在基本上異於簡略事件的歷史記述, 這使讀者認識 《吳越春秋》是一篇的初步小說。 總而言之, 《吳越春秋》裏面的各種修辭·對話的使用·細密化的表現使人們覺得作者憑藉記述歷史的借口而寫成一篇的歷史小說。我信如此的筆法運用讓 《吳越春秋》成一本進入小說的段階的典籍。

樂善齋本 《紅樓夢》之部分韻文飜譯硏究

왕비연 ( Wang Feiyan )
한국중국어문학회|중국문학  99권 0호, 2019 pp. 87-103 ( 총 17 pages)
Naksunjae(樂善齋) Version of Hongloumeng(紅樓夢) is the earliest full translation Hongloumeng in the world. The original edition is Cheng’s version A editions. It was translated around 1884, and it was a team work in translate, phonetic notation, hand-write, etc. The verse translation are the best part of translation in Naksunjae version, less error of punctuation and less mistranslation. About the translators, some researchers considered May be it was a translation by Yi chong tae(李鐘泰) in the reign of Kojong(1864∼1906). But I think maybe they were Official Interpreters in Joseon Dynasty. This paper studied the verse writing ability of the interpreters (translators) first, they are interpreters living in the mid-19th century and they had left collected works, and found that their verse writing ability were very good. Then I studied the translation of some classic poetry(詩), formation(詞 and 曲), and Lisao style(離騷體) writing, found that the translation were very well on rhyming and antithesis and allusion. We can say that the style or Formation is very important on translating. If they made some mistakes on punctuation, then the translation would not be correct, this also can explain why the verse translation is much better than the translation on vernacular.
Zou Tao’s 鄒弢 (1850-1931) Haishang Zhongwai Qinglou Tushuo(《海上中外靑樓春影圖說》, 1887) is an illustration of Shanghai courtesans in late Qing and biographies of them. The book introduced a total of forty seven courtesans and categorized them into four categories: China 中華, Japan 日本, foreign countries 外國, Canton 廣東. In this paper I tried to note that the biographies of foreign courtesans and Cantonese Courtesans in this book show ‘China 中 - Foreign 外’ differentiating and discriminating descriptions. By including the Chinese courtesans in the category of ‘China 中’ and the Japanese, foreign and Guangdong courtesans in the category of ‘foreign 外’, Zou Tao gave a new hierarchy to the courtesans who existed outside the existing hierarchy according to courtesans’ regional origins. There are two differences in descriptions of Japanese and foreign courtesans. First, while the method of mating between a Japanese courtesans and a literary person is almost identical to that of a Chinese courtesans, the description of the relationship between a foreign courtesans and a Chinese men focuses on the physical relationship. Second, while there is not a single line of descriptions of foreign courtesans’ shortcomings in the biographies of Japanese courtesans, descriptions of their shortcomings are often seen in the biographies of them. The descriptions of Cantonese courtesans show more similarity to those of foreign courtesans than Japanese courtesans, in that those descriptions mention shortcomings of the courtesans, and emphasize physical connection rather than mental intercourse between the courtesans and their customers.

루쉰의 예악론(禮樂論)과 미완의 고전비평

천진 ( Cheon Jin )
한국중국어문학회|중국문학  99권 0호, 2019 pp. 125-156 ( 총 32 pages)
This text attempts two types of critical analysis. First is to explore Luxun’s critical research attitude toward classical Chinese texts, studying how Luxun critically examines ‘liyue (ceremony- music)’. With the way the ‘madman’ in 《A Madman’s Diary》 handles China’s old text as a hint, the attitude with which Luxun critically examines the editing and passing down of classical Chinese philology was studied. Luxun pays attention to the situation in which when classical literature is passed down and transmitted throughout history, the context of events are concealed and text is blockaded while text is edited and restructured. Also, Luxun critically examines how the ancient culture of ‘liyue’ operates on the constitution of Chinese culture, society, and politics, in addition to the process of passing down of texts, as well as how it has effect even in the present day. Classics are closely intertwined not only with issues of the past but with the conventions, moral emotions, and government of today. Second, based on Luxun’s examination of ‘liyue’, the 〈sheng-wu-ai-le-lun〉 of the 《Jikangji》 which Luxun sympathized with all his life is criticized. This text, stating that ‘There is no sadness or happiness in sound’, deeply ponders upon the issue of ‘liyue’ essential to the logic of Chinese cultural composition, and deviates from the Confucian thoughts centered around social integrity and inspiration. Further, it stresses the autonomy of affective subject, and the process of deliberation by an entity toward harmony and commonness. By the work of examining Jikang through Luxun and Luxun through Jikang, the uncompleted work of classical criticism by Luxun is restructured, and the possibility of classical Chinese texts to relate to today’s life is examined.

주작인(周作人) 만년의 노신(魯迅) 회고―《노신적고가(魯迅的故家)》를 중심으로

김미정 ( Kim Meejeong )
한국중국어문학회|중국문학  99권 0호, 2019 pp. 157-177 ( 총 21 pages)
1949年後周作人散文中, 有關魯迅的回憶文章是其重要組成部分。特別是 《魯迅的故家》,展 現了形成當下周作人魯迅的過去經驗, 根源, 歷史, 文化, 地域傳統以及逐漸衰敗的士大夫家的荒凉內面。 周作人在 《魯迅的故家》上的魯迅回憶法很獨特。明明以魯迅的文章 《朝花夕拾》爲引子, 但很快就超越了原本。他望着被魯迅漏掉或遺忘的百草園內外徘徊。那里有鬼園 ,有漂泊在鬼園之上的靈魂, 也有些生活在想象和歷史的境界里的人。甚至還有被他遺忘似的祖父和父親。 《魯迅的故家》在虛構和歷史, 想象和事實或魯迅和周作人這兩個領域之間无數次往返, 跳躍, 幷創造出上下四面擴張的新世界。但是在這個時空中, 眞實和虛構已經不再是個問題。因爲在虛構和事實之間徘徊的 《魯迅的故家》中的人和事不知不覺間變得更加立體, 時時刻刻變化, 擁有豊富的內涵。 但是另一方面, 隨着 《魯迅的故家》中出現的魯迅周圍人物和事迹具有具體的質感, 魯迅本身其形象和存在感也變得模糊不淸。因此, “《魯迅的故家》實際上是周作人的故家” 的不滿和由周作人對魯迅談論的結果, 被認爲是‘ 對左翼魯迅的放逐’。 周作人復原了魯迅早年和靑年時代。那是被推頌爲 “現代中國聖人”, “革命家” 以前的周作人長兄的魯迅, 是生活在衆多背景和事件中凡人魯迅, 是非革命性的非戰斗性的魯迅。這是周作人創造的另一個世界, 是周作人和魯迅的文學和學術發祥地, 也接近于曾分化成許多不同面貌的原生質世界。

일본군 점령하 중국현대문학(1931-1945)의 연구방법론 검토

송가배 ( Song Ga-bae )
한국중국어문학회|중국문학  99권 0호, 2019 pp. 179-202 ( 총 24 pages)
This paper examines the history of studies on Lunxianqu wenxue, or Chinese Modern literature under Japanese occupation, focusing on how it has been related to the perspective of ‘Revolutionary history’. Lunxianqu wenxue was completely excluded from literary history and forgotten among people during the ‘Previous thirty years’, until the movement of New Era literary discourses brought it back again in the 1980s. While researchers of the area were still influenced by the perspective of ‘Revolutionary history’ in the 1980s, Qian Liqun and Zhang Quan came up with new research methods and thoughts in the mid-1990s. Then in the ‘Post-Revolutionary history’ era, various research methods have been applied to local literature; at the same time, ‘Cultural colonization’ theory has been used for comparative studies on the entire literature under Japanese ruling and occupation. With the recent rising of Zhanlingqu wenxue studies from the perspective of East Asian Colonialism, this paper asserts that it should be subjected to careful scrutiny from the following two aspects: whether it has thorough understanding and reviewing of existing studies, and whether it has undergone full and critical exploration of the ‘East Asia’ as a regional perspective.