高麗·朝鮮的73名詞人共作481首《巫山一段雲》, 其數量占了全韓國詞的四分之一多, 可以算是高麗·朝鮮詞的核心。其詞雖然師承于趙孟頫, 但是其創作數量方面“靑出于藍勝于藍”, 比自唐代至淸代詞人塡的《巫山一段雲》多得很。 本文對明淸代的《巫山一段雲》的形式進行細致地考査, 從《巫山一段雲》詞牌的淵源和形式、唱和詞和集句詞這三個方面加以探討。此分析有助于尋找出中韓兩國之《巫山一段雲》的異同的線索, 幷以期略補中國詞籍之未備。

從這硏究要考察元好問對于杜甫詩創作的認識在自己的創作上如何反影。 爲此, 先要看元好問怎么理解杜甫在詩歌創作的原理和方法上的特點。 其結果可歸納如下; 首先, 元好問認爲從生活經驗里得來的‘誠(眞情)’就是杜甫詩歌創作的主要源泉, 而與自己的“以誠爲本”論正附合。 再者, 還認爲杜甫詩歌創作的主要方法就是“無一字無來處”, 則說詩人在創作之前得學好前人之成就, 而打好創作基礎。 但是創作的妙處不在文字, 而在文字外。 這樣, 才能超過前人的成就, 而達到創新的境地。 那么, 元好問這樣的理解, 果然在自己的詩歌創作上如何實現呢。 爲此, 以元好問借用杜甫詩句的107首詩篇來, 進行分析。 在分析上, 利用借用詩句的復句理論。 分析結果, 大部分詩句和詩篇都是在把借來的杜甫詩句加以變形, 創出不一樣的詩境。 一般的剽竊例子極少。 從此, 可說元好問對杜甫詩歌創作的批評觀點, 在自己的創作上充分地實現。

在中唐詩壇上賈島和張籍都是傑出的詩人, 張籍爲人熱情誠懇, 擅長樂府詩, 與王建唱和, 有"張王樂府"的稱號。賈島也有好友姚合, 他們關系很密切, 互相影響了詩歌創作, 成了"賈姚詩派"。但是査看他們的詩歌, 就發現賈島和張籍也有美好的交游關系。張籍比賈島大十多歲, 官職也比他高, 因此賈島一直欽佩張籍, 張籍也愛護賈島。 本文以賈島和張籍的交游詩爲硏究對象, 在借鑒前人硏究成果的基礎上, 對賈島和張籍的交游詩進行了比較細致的分析, 以求更深地理解他們的交游情況。 本文共五部分, 引言、三章正文及結語。第一章是引言, 介紹了本硏究的目的和意義。第二章是分析賈島寫給張籍的詩, 如「携新文詣張籍韓愈途中成」、「投張太祝」、「題張博士新居」及「延康吟」等。第三章是分析張籍寫給賈島的詩歌, 如「逢賈島」、「贈賈島」、《過賈島野居》和《與賈島閑游》等。第四章是分析他們的其他交游詩, 如《題楊秘書新居》、《送李餘及第歸蜀》」和《送朱慶餘及第歸越》等。第五章是結語, 總結了本硏究的結果。

與謝野晶子是能勾讓更理解中國的近代化的一個文化的偶像, 幷且她是與中國很有緣的日本思想家。與謝野晶子發表有關性、自由戀愛、女性敎育、女性參政權等的許多文章, 給中國的知識分子帶來很深刻的影響與引起了社會反響。尤其是周作人、黃幼雄、張娴把她的二十四篇的文章飜譯成中文在中國積極地傳播。 1918年周作人飜譯、介紹的與謝野晶子的《貞操論》, 在中國引起了「貞操爭論」而在中國社會造成了轟動。黃幼雄受了與謝野晶子的影響, 主張要改進女性的敎育問題, 但是他的近代意識不勾徹底而且與現實衝突矛盾, 因此他的文章不具深厚的影響力。張娴是在日本留過學的一個新女性, 但她是一個什么樣的一個人物學術界還沒被硏究過, 但是能確定的是她最積極地與謝野晶子的文章飜譯與介紹給中國大衆。她認爲與謝野晶子的文章能勾幇助中國的近代化, 解決中國面臨的女性問題。周作人、黃幼雄、張娴都想借與謝野晶子的思想主張婦女運動, 爭取男女平等、女性敎育、女性參政權。本文章將進一步探討與謝野晶子的文章在中國被介紹的背景、與周作人、黃幼雄、張娴之間的思想交流。

本文意在闡述漢語全稱量化詞“都、全”與韓語全稱量化詞“전부、모두、다”量化對象的差異及其限制條件。爲此本文首先詳盡地考察了“都、全、전부、모두、다”量化對象的差異及其特征。發現“都、다”不但可以與名詞（短語）, 幷列形式和量化短語組合, 還可以與表任指的每+NP、名量詞重疊及疑問詞組合；而“全、전부、모두”一般不能與表任指的成分組合。接下來, 本文又考察了“都、全、전부、모두、다”的認知模式及其影響。發現“都、다”一般以“個體認知模式”量化事物, 而“全전부、모두、다”一般以“整體認知模式”來量化事物。這種不同的認知模式影響了各自的量化成分, 使其量化成分産生了差異。但本文所闡釋的“都、全、전부、모두、다”不同的認知模式幷不是決定的, 只是一種傾向性, 具有程度上的差異, 根据語言的不斷發展這些認知模式也在不斷的相互融合。

Based on the circumstances of punctuation in foreign language teaching neglected, we reviewed the history of Chinese and Korean punctuation. According to both the latest standards 標点符號用法 and 한글 맞춤법, we compared the punctuation of Chinese and Korean by putting them into three categories. One is different forms of punctuation, another one is no correspondence in the form of punctuation, and the third one is the same forms of punctuation. By contrast, we found that more or less there are significant differences in either same forms or different forms of Chinese and Korean punctuation. Some of them are the differences in function, some differences are in usage, as well as some of them are different written form and conjunction differences with other punctuation. In a word, we can not ignore the differences in punctuation while learning and teaching process as a second language acquisition in both Chinese and Korean. Otherwise it would make usage error. In addition, we also proposed the viable alternative for punctuations without a corresponding form in Chinese and Korean, as well as those which is in the same form but different functions. We hope this paper can provide clear and practical reference standard of punctuation for learning or teaching Chinese or Korean as a second language, as well as the translation of Chinese and Korean.

This paper analyzed the Simplification and explication in the consecutive interpretation, based on the speech of South Korea's President Park Geun-hye at Tsinghua University. The analysis shows that the interpreter showed the characteristics of Simplification and explication in order to help the listeners understand the content of the speech, ensure the sound effects and access to communication effect. In the consecutive interpretation, this kind of strategy can provide better interpretation services, pass the core meaning of the speech very well. At the other side, it’s the interpretation’s professional norm too.

Since the reform and opening up, income inequality problem appears to be the major obstacle to Chinese society stability and sustainable growth. Chinese inequality problems includes income inequality between hierarchies income inequality between regions, between urban and rural areas, income inequality between industries, but among those income inequality problems, inter-regional, inter-urban and rural income inequality problems the major problem when we interpretation chinese income inequality problems. Meanwhile, there have been a number of studies in this area , most of those studies focus on the whole China or one specific destination. But in the case of China, there is a limitations with those analysis. Meanwhile, since the openness and magnetization chinese government allows some areas be worth at first, so many people pay attention to the income inequality problem between hierarchies. Most rural families arise their operating income through agricultural income. those non-agricultural workers receive labor income, while most workers in urban families take the labor income. In the course of market economy a wide range of industries in the city make a lot of people get property income such as equity investments or rents. Thus, the change in the source of income put a lot of impact with the total income inequality problems. In this study, we analysis the urban and rural, coastal and inland areas, each sector put how much impact to the inequality income problems. While the coastal areas receives the benefits of opening up and the influence of the foreign-invested enterprises has developed rapidly, but in inland areas the economic development slowed down.

Chinese shadow banks are established for financial supporting to underprivileged economic players with SOBs-centered financial system in which the main role of SOBs is supplying sufficient money to SOEs instead of government. Since 2008 Chinese private companies are actually banned for lending from commercial bank by government, concerning financial crisis in their land. In that point Chinese shadow banks are obvious different comparing to that of developed countries, aiming to maximize the profit of investors. This study analyzed the Chinese shadow banks focusing on their main roles for lending SMEs. There are two contrary opinions for performance of shadow banks to lending SMEs. One is arguing that shadow banks are providing sufficient funds to SMEs and SMEs also using shadow banking on their own initiative with relatively higher lending interest ratio than commercial banks. In our case studies at Hengyang city, Hunan province, some SMEs found utilizing working capitals successfully which are provide from microcredit companies. The other side is arguing that microcredit companies would not support SMEs efficiently because of their relatively high interest rate, small lending volume, and short lending periods than commercial banks. In our case study, many of SMEs were struggling to pay back the loans. In conclusion, we found microcredit companies as one of the Chinese shadow bank showed limiting outcomes for serving fund to private companies and shadow bank would not reach to replace the role of commercial bank in Chain.

現行的中國稅收制度是以1994年開始施行的分稅制爲基礎而進行的。從2000年開始在已有的稅制全局框架內, 對稅收制度進行的漸進式改革。本文旨在硏究自2000年以來, 中央進行稅制改革的原因, 改革的目標, 以及改革取得的階段性成果。1994年, 引入分稅制以后, 雖然稅收收入有了很大程度的增加, 但稅收結構却存在着幾個問題。第一, 在稅收收入中因爲間接稅的比重高, 直接稅的比重低, 稅收的再分配机制幾乎起不到作用；第二, 1994年的稅收改革中, 雖引入了增値稅但幷未使其發揮全部優勢；第三, 對适用于內資企業和外資企業的企業所得稅的公平性也存在着一定的問題。自2001年以來, 中國共産黨希望通過稅改解決這些問題, 但可以發現, 雖然現代增値稅的轉換及企業所得稅的合幷得以實現, 想要强化稅收再分配的目標却沒能實現。爲了强化稅收的再分配机制, 對于中産階級和富有階層的增稅是必要的。但這是對共産黨有政治上的危險。 所以共産黨推遲這項改革。